CIHM 
Microfiche 
Secies 
(l\/lonographs) 


ICi\/IH 

Collection  de 
microfiches 
(monographies) 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  Microreproductions  /  Institut  canadien  de  microreproducl.. .  s  historiques 


OOCI 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Note''  /  Notes  techr.iq^  ?i.  et  bicliographiques 


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n 


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Ce  document  est  filme  au  taux  de  reduction  indique  ci-dessous. 


■•Ox 

14x 

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26x 

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y 

1 

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12x 


16x 


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24  x 


28x 


32x 


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The  last  recorded  frame  on  each  microfiche 
shall  contain  the  symbol  -^  (meaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  the  '.ymbol  V  (meaning  "END"), 
whichever  applies. 

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right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


1 


1 

/ 
i 

4 

c 

L'exemplaire  filmi  fut  reproduit  grace  i  la 
g^nArosit^  de: 

Bibliotheque  nationale  du  Canada 


Les  images  suivantes  ont  6t6  reproduites  av3c  le 
plus  grand  soin.  compte  tenu  de  la  condition  et 
de  la  nenet*  de  lexemplaire  film*,  et  en 
conformity  avec  les  conditions  du  contrat  de 
filmage. 

Les  exemplaires  originaux  dont  la  couverture  en 
papier  est  imprimAe  sont  filmis  on  commencant 
par  le  premier  plat  et  en  terminant  soit  par  la 
derniAre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration,  soit  par  le  second 
plat,  selon  le  cas.  Tous  les  autres  exemplaires 
originaux  sont  film^s  en  commengant  par  la 
premiere  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration  et  en  terminant  par 
la  derniAre  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 

Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparaitra  sur  la 
derniAre  image  de  chaque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  le  symbole  — ♦-  signifie  "A  SUIVRE",  le 
symbole  V  signifie   "FIN". 

Les  cartes,  planches,  tableaux,  etc..  peuvent  etre 
filmAs  A  des  taux  de  reduction  diff^rents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  etre 
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de  Tangle  sup*rieur  gauche,  de  gauche  ii  droite, 
et  de  haut  en  bas,  en  prenant  le  nombre 
dimages  nAcessaire.  Les  diagrammos  suivants 
illustrant  la  m^thode. 


MICROCOPY    RESOLUTION    TEST    CHART 

ANSI  and  ibO  TEST  CHART  No    2 


1.0 

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LipPiNCorrs 
EDUCATIONAL  GUIDES 

EDITED  BY 

W.  F.  RUSSELL,  Ph.D. 

DBAN,   COLLBCB   OF   BOVCATION,    UNIVERSITY   OF   IOWA 


Lippincott^  s 
School  Educational  Guides 

Edited  by  W.  F.  RUSSELL.  Ph.D. 

Dean,  College  of  Education, 
University  of  Iowa. 


THRIFT  AND  CONSERVATION 

How  to  Teach  It. 

Bv  Arthur  H.  Chamberlain 
AND  James  F.  Chamuerlain 

272  pages,     y  full-page  illus. — line  cuts. 

BRIGHTNESS  AND  DULLNESS 
IN  CHILDREN 

By  Herbert  Woodrow 

UNIVERSITY  OF  MINNESOTA 

ILLUSTRATED 


LIPPINCOTT'S   EDUCATIONAL  GUIDES 

EDITED   BY   W.   F.  RUSSELL.   Ph.D. 

OKAN,   COLLBGS  Of   EDUCATION,    UNIVERSllY   OF   IOWA 


BRIGHTNESS  AND 

DULLNESS   IN 

CHILDREN 


BY 


HERBERT  WOODROW,  Ph.D. 

ASSOCIATE   PROFESSOR   OF   PSYCHOLOGY    IN   THE   UNIVERSITY    OF   MINNESOTA 


ILLUSTRATED 


PHILADELPHIA ::  CHICAGO ::  LONDON ::  MONTREAL 

J.  B.  LIPPINCOTT  COMPANY 


COrVRICHT.    1QI9.    BY  J.    B.   Lll'PISXOTT  COMPAh 


PRtNTED  BY  J.    B.    I.IPPINCOTT  COMPANV 

AT  TIIF  WASHINGTON  SQUARr  PRESS 

PHILADELPHIA.  V.  S.  A. 


CONTENTS 

I    I NTRODUCTJON 

II  The  Measurement  of  Intelligenxe ,y 

Pioneer  studies  in  the  measurement  of  intelligence. 
The  Binet-Simon  measuring  scale.  Evidence  of  the 
accuracy  of  the  revisions  of  the  Binet-Simon  scale. 
Cnticism  of  the  Binet-Simon  scale.    Group  tests. 

III  Brightness  AND  Dullness ,, 

Distinction  between  mental  age  and  brightness  The 
lowest  degrees  of  brightness:  Definitions  in  terms  of 
social  status  and  definitions  in  terms  of  mental  age. 
Years  of  retardation  as  a  basis  for  definition  of  degrees 
of  bnghtness.  Intelligence  quotients.  Application  of 
intelligence  quotients  to  the  definition  of  all  degrees  of 
bnghtness.  Race,  class  and  sex  differences  in 
uitelligence. 

IV  Brains gj 

The  relation  of  mind  to  body." "  The  relation  of  brain 
devel(3praent  to  the  evolution  of  animal  intelligence, 
^ne  development  of  the  brain  in  children.  The  relation 
of  the  bram  to  differences  in  intelligence  in  adults. 

V  Physical  Defects g, 

The  relation  of  physical  defects  to  intelligence.  Defec- 
tive vision.  Defective  hearing  Non-sensory  defects. 
Stigmata  of  degeneracy.  Medical  inspection  and  its 
relation  to  the  teacher. 

VI  Anatomical  Age o^ 

The  various  child  ages.  Anatomical  age.  Indices  of 
anatomical  age.  The  eruption  of  teeth.  The  ossifica- 
*f°"uM  ?^^  ^"^*  bones.  Variation  in  the  anatomical  age 
ot  children.  Sox  differences.  Anatomical  age  and 
mental  ability.  Relation  of  height  and  weight  to 
anatomical  age  and  to  mental  ability.  The  educa- 
tional value  of  measurements  of  anatomical  age, 

VII  Pedagogical  Age ,23 

Definition  of  pedagogical  age  .n  the  basis  of  "norinal" 
ages.  The  prevalence  of  pedagogical  retardation  and 
advaucement.  Elimination  as  studied  by  age  and 
grade  distnbutions.  The  relation  of  elimination  to 
pedagogi.'al  retardation.  Causes  of  pedagogical  retarda- 
tion.    Remedial  measures. 

5 


CONTENTS 


VIII  SiMi  LE  Mental  Processes 147 

Intelligent  behavior  and  mind.  Methods  of  measuring 
sensory  capacity  and  estimating  its  relation  to  intelli- 
gence. The  relation  of  sensory  capacity  to  intelligence. 
Comparison  of  the  senses  of  primitive  and  advanced 
races.     Perception.     Imagery.     Feelings. 

IX  Association,  Memory  and  Attention 171 

Free  association.  Controlled  as.sociation.  Memory. 
Attention. 

X  Complex  Mental  Processes 190 

Reasoning.  Instincts  and  emotions.  Will:  (i)  Per- 
sistence; (2)  Suggestibility  and  impulse. 

XI  Mental  Organization 213  . 

The  problem  of  the  interrelationship  of  mental  traits. 
Three  psydiological  theories  of  mental  organization. 
Cor-esponding  theories  of  brain  action.  The  evidence 
from  correlations.  Speaiman's  two-factor  theory.  A 
multifactor  theor, . 

XII  Heredity 232 

Definition  of  heredity  and  environment.  Methods  of 
investigatiom.  Results  of  the  correlation  I  method. 
Pedigrees  of  the  feeble-minded.  The  Kallikak  family. 
The  inheritance  of  superior  intelligence.  The  Edwards 
family.     Conclusion. 

X^II  The  Organization  of  Education 254 

The  relation  of  education  to  heredity  and  growth.  The 
necessity  for  special  education  for  bright  and  dull 
children.  Provision  for  dull  and  superior  diildren.  The 
problem  of  the  feeble-minded. 

XIV  Educational  Methods 275 

The  savage  of  the  Aveyron.  The  physiologiccd  method. 
Critical  estimate  of  the  physiological  method.  Experi- 
ments in  the  education  of  children  with  exceptional 
abilities.     The  training  of  mental  capacities. 

Index  of  Authors 311 

Index  of  Subjects 315 


ILLUSTRATIONS 

FIG.  PAGE 

1.  Distribution  of  the  Mental  Ages  of  One  Hundred  Ten-year-old 

School  Children 32 

2.  Growth  in  Mental  Age 48 

3.  Diagrammatic  Representation  of  the  Cortical  Layers  and  of 

the  Different  Types  of  Neurones 64 

4.  The  Growth  of  the  Brain  in  Weight 68 

5.  Comparison  of  Sections  of  the  Cortex  of  Normal  and  Feeble- 

minded Persons 76 

6.  The  Permanc  at  Teeth 102 

7.  Radiographs  Showing   the  Variation   in   Anatomical   Age  of 

Ten-year-old  Children no 

8.  Sex  Differences  in  Anatomical  Age  of  Ten-year-old  Children  112 

9.  Tape  Used  in  the  Dotting  Test 188 

10.  Ergograph  Test 204 

11.  Children's  Ergograph  Curves 206 

12.  Showing  Performance  in  Suggestion  Test 209 

13.  Deocendants  of  Martin  Kallikak,  Sr.,  by  His  Wife,  and  by  a 

Feeble-minaed  Girl 246 


BRIGHTNESS  AND 
DULLNESS  IN  CHILDREN 


CHAPTER  I 

INTRODUCTION 

The  day  before  his  fifth  birthday,  Francis  Galton 
wrote  the  following  letter  *  to  his  sister: 

My  DEAR  Adelf.  : 

I  am  4  years  r'd  and  I  can  read  any  English  book.  I  can  say  all 
the  Latin  Sul)Stantives  and  Adjectives  and  active  verbs  besides  52 
lines  of  Latin  poetry.  I  can  cast  up  any  sum  in  addition  and  can 
multiply  by  2,  3,  4.  5,  6,  7,  8,  ( 9) ,  10.  ( 1 1 ) . 

I  can  also  say  the  pence  table.  1  read  French  a  little  and  I 
know  the  clock. 

Francis  Galton, 
Fehiiary  15,  1827. 

The  only  misspelling  is  in  the  word  February.  The 
numbers  9  and  11  are  bracketed  because  one  had  been 
scratched  out  with  a  knife,  and  the  other  was  covered 
by  a  bit  of  paper  pasted  over  it. 

By  the  age  of  six,  Galton  was  conversant  with  the 
Iliad  and  the  Odyssey.  At  six  and  seven,  he  busied 
himself  with  collecting  insects  and  minerals,  which  he 
is  said  to  have  classified  and  studied  in  more  than  a  child- 
ish fashion.  The  following  well-worded  note  proves  that 
at  the  age  of  ten  he  was  al)sorl)efl  in  religious  questions: 

'  From  vol.  i  of  Karl  Pearson's  "  Life,  Letters  and  Labors  of 
Galton."  Quoted  by  Terman  in  the  American  Journal  of  Psychology, 
vol.  xviii,  1917,  p.  210. 


lo  INTRODUCTION 

December  30,  1832. 
My  dearest  Papa: 

It  is  now  my  pleasure  to  disclose  the  most  ardent  wishes  of  my 
'cart,  which  are  to  extract  out  of  my  boundless  wealth  in  compound, 
money  sufficient  to  make  this  addition  to  my  unequaled  library : 

The  Hebrew  Commonwealth  by  John g 

A  Pastor  Advice   2 

Hornne's  commentaries  on  the  Psalms  4 

Paley's  Evidence  on  Christianity  2 

Jones  Biblical  Cyclopedia 10 

27 

Notwithstanding  his  wonderful  precociousness,  this 
noted  English  scientist  accomplished  his  best  work  at 
an  advanced  age.  Hereditary  Genius  was  published  in 
his  fiftieth  year;  Natural  Inheritance  in  his  sixty-eighth. 

Galton  is  only  one  among  a  vast  number  of  men  of 
genius  who  are  known  to  have  displayed  exceptional 
ability  in  childhood.  The  majority  of  poets  and  musicians 
show  their  genius  at  a  very  early  age.  Tasso  was  famous 
at  the  age  of  eight  and  Southey  wrote  dramas  before 
that  age;  at  the  age  of  three,  Mozart  took  piano  lessons; 
at  four,  he  played  minuets  and  composed  short  pieces; 
and  at  five,  ne  performed  in  public. 

In  the  field  of  science  and  philosophy,  among  those 
who  were  famous  in  their  youth  are  Lord  Bacon,  Kant, 
Locke,  Berkeley,  Descartes,  Spinoza,  and  Lord  Macaulay. 
Macaulay  read  incessantly  at  the  age  of  three.  At  seven, 
he  began  A  Compendium  of  Universal  History,  and 
at  eight  he  wrote  A  Treatise  to  Convert  the  Natives  of 
Malabar  to  Christianity.  All  of  these  men  lived  to  a  fairly 
advanced  age  and  continued  their  creative  work  through- 
out the  greater  part  of  their  lives. 

I  have  referred  particularly  to  Galton  merely  because 


INTRODUCTION 


XX 


he  belongs  to  that  group  of  geniuses  of  whom  it  is  some- 
times alleged  that  they  show  no  signs  of  exceptional 
ability  until  late  in  life.  Clearly  in  Galton's  case,  the 
idea  that  genius  develops  slowly  is  based  on  ignorance: 
Galton  was  a  genius  even  in  his  boyhood.  Whether  with 
more  abundant  information  we  should  find  all  men  of 
genius  to  have  been  exceptional  children,  it  is  impossible 
to  say.  On  the  other  hand,  of  those  placed  at  the  opposite 
extreme  of  intelligence,  the  feeble-minded,  it  may  be 
said  with  assurance  that  their  careers  as  adults  are  faith- 
fully foreshadowed  by  the  performances  of  their  child- 
hood, even  of  their  very  early  childhood.  And  since  our 
interest  at  present  is  in  differences  in  intelligence  which 
exist  in  children,  it  is  well  worth  our  while  to  consider 
the  contrast  between  the  early  record  of  Francis  Galton 
and  the  following  one  of  a  girl  named  Abbie,  a  case  typical 
of  high-grade  feeble-mindedness  of  the  sort  that  is  not 
uncommon  in  the  special  classes  of  our  city  schools. 

Admitted  to  the  New  Jersey  Training  School  for 
Feeble-Minded  Boys  and  Girls  in  1900,  at  the  age  of 
eleven,  Abbie  was  small  for  her  age,  left-handed,  and 
awkward.  She  always  put  the  same  foot  forward  when 
going  up  or  down  stairs ;  she  knew  her  letters  but  could 
not  read;  she  could  count  to  ten;  she  knew  some  color 
and  form ;  and  she  sang  a  number  of  hymns  that  she  had 
learned  at  home.  Her  sight  and  hearing  were  normal, 
and  she  was  fond  of  play.^  Among  Abbie's  more 
unfavorable  characteristics  were  a  bad  memory  and  a  poor 
power  of  imitation.  She  was  gluttonous,  untidy,  untruth- 
ful, sly  and  profane. 

Three  months  after  her  admission  she  couM  thread 


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INTRODUCTION 


a  needle  and  sew  on  buttons,  could  <lust  and  ruh  floors  a 
little,  had  learne<l  to  read  .-/  man  ran  and  /  sec  a  man 
(sonictinies).  counted  to  twenty,  and.  with  help  could 
do  such  nunilKT  work  as  this:  I  I  I 

For  ten  years  she  went  to  school.     '•  For  ten  years  " 
runs  the  report,   -'her  teachers  struggled  heroically   to 
give  her  the  mastery  of  somrthhiy.     Little  less  than  tnar- 
yelous  IS  the  optiniisni  and  faithfulness  of  those  teachers' 
VVe  see  them  stru-ding  on  month  after  month,  not  in 
that  pertunctory  way  l>orn  of  discouragement  or  con- 
scious  fadure.   but  with  that  courage  and  cheerfulness 
which  comes  from  graspin-  at  eyery  straw  of  encourage- 
ment, of  progress,  of  fancied  improyement.     Had  these 
teachers  Ijecome  discouraged,  we  would  haye  to  admit  that 
perhaps  the  result  might  l)e  due  to  that  fact      But  there 
IS  no  sign  of  giying  up  in  all  these  years.    Within  the  last 
tew  months,  howeyer.  tnere  has  appeared  the  feeling  that 
Abbie  has  reached  her  limit.     She  will  \^  twenty-two 
years  old  before  long. 

"To-day  she  is  still  small  for  her  age.  She  can  braid 
corn-husks  a  little;  can  make  a  Ix^d;  can  iron  an  apron- 
cannot  count  the  cost  of  three  one-cent  stamps  and  three 
two-cent  stamps,  with  the  stamps  before  her;  cannot 
repeat  fiye  figures  or  a  sentence  of  fifteen  words;  defines 
only  in  terms  ot  use ,  can  read  a  few  sentences,  spell  a  few 
words  and  write  about  twenty- fiye  words  from  memory" 
knows  the  days  of  the  week  but  not  the  months  of  the 
year;  and  does  not  know  how  many  fingers  she  has 
on  both  hands." 

Francis  Galton  and  little  Abbie  represent  opposite 
poles  of  human  intelligence;  they  typify  the  extremes 
and  between  them  are  any  numlxT  of  yariations  The 
differences   existing   between    individuals    in   regard    to 


INTRODUCTION 


13 


comtnon  sense,  mental  ability  and  character  are  enormous. 
Obviously,  they  arc  of  the  utmost  importance  in  deter- 
mining^ the  constitution  of  society  ar.d  the  aims  of  educa- 
tion. These  dilYercnces  come  most  clearly  to  view  in  the 
successes  and  failures  of  adult  life.  What  is  opportunity 
for  one  man  is  discouragement  for  another;  as  one  climbs 
to  eminence,  another,  starting  with  equal  opportunities, 
treads  a  path  that  leads  him  to  the  poor-house.  The 
struggle  of  life  constitutes  the  test,  a  test  which  some 
pass  gloriously  and  others  utterly  fail.  Adult  life,  how- 
ever, merely  emphasizes  the  existence  of  individual  dif- 
ferences in  endowment ;  it  does  not  create  them.  For  the 
most  part  these  differences,  determining  factors  in  the 
careers  of  men  and  women,  are  present  in  early  childhood. 
In  almost  any  American  school  the  children 'display  nearly 
every  degree  of  intelligence  between  the  brilliant  Francis 
Galton  and  the  feeble-minded  Abbie. 

Psychological  and  pedagogical  investigations  con- 
ducted during  the  last  decade  have  clearly  demonstrated 
the  fact  that  children  of  the  same  age  and  the  same 
amount  of  schooling  vary  from  one  tcj  five  years  or  more 
in  mental  capacity  as  well  as  in  their  school  grade,  and 
that  the  numl)er  of  children  who  dififer  widely  from  what 
may  be  termed  the  normal  is  very  much  greater  than  has 
beer  generally  supposed.  Of  course  the  factors  which 
determine  the  rank  a  child  takes,  whether  in  school  or 
out  of  school,  are  innumerable.  One  child  may  enjoy 
l)etter  health  than  another,  be  Ijetter  nourished  and  less 
easily  fatigued,  or  have  fewer  physical  defects.  One 
may  study  harder  or  with  more  interest  and  concentration 
of  attention  than  another.  Home  environment  is  of  great 
importance.  A  child  reared  in  a  slum,  by  ignorant  or 
wicked  parents  incapable  of  training  him  prooerlv.  cannot 


14 


INTRODUCTION 


gence   may  depend  upon  ability  or  dfsiMftl 
parfcular  n,en.al    function,   suTh   as   the    'Idt/^f'::: 
V  <ual.zal,on  or  for  rote  memorv      r        "P*"^"/   '""^ 
stances  and  conditions  alToct  a  dn  dV  '  "''"""- 

meraUe  perforn.ance:  1^^^ ^  V;=^r„'f:  ^JTIIT 

wr,.x^::--:  - --£.  Of  i;^„  ^^ 

■nnate  brightness  or  dullness  ''  '^"^"^'  >"' 

cont^artSt'hgere  "I'St 'h^ld""^'^  '"  ^  ^""^'^ 
than  ordinal  inte^i,\^:,et'rfl't'rdre";lT 

we  ntust  unirstf  "d'lfe  natutolTnTeCnce^Thetr "' 
affect„,g  ,t.  and  the  consideration  that  ™«^  '' 

the  choice  of  educational  aims  and  methods     Sf  "  I" 
jects  are  discussed  in  the  following  prges    Our Ln    I  ^i" 

of  them  has  P-rMtK,  o^  .  fe,P<iges.    Uur  knowledge 

and  Simon  perteed^he^^™   """  i^!'  "■"="  ^'"^' 
intelligence     Thislnforlt  ""'^""^  °'  measuring 

gence  w.thou,  studying  its  relation  to  hilth     ot 
development  of  the  brain  and  the  rest  of  .he\,X,t 


INTRODUCTION 


IS 


relation  to  the  senses  and  to  the  various  mental  processes 
such  as  attention,  memory  and  judgment  and  to  defects 
in  these,  the  degree  to  which  it  is  modifiable  by  learning 
and  by  the  environment  and.  on  the  other  hand,  the  degree 
to  which  it  is  fixed  by  heredity.  It  is  evident  that  the 
subject  of  intelligence  is  a  broad  one,  as  broad  as  the 
whole  field  of  psycholog>',  and  that  it  touches  upon  odier 
sciences  as  well.  It  deals  with  fundamental  problems  to 
be  met  with  in  all  branches  of  human  activity. 

Heretofore  the  lower  degrees  of  intelligence,  dullness 
and  feeble-mindedness,  have  forced  themselves  most 
strongly  upon  the  attention  of  investigators.  Because 
more  is  known  about  the  lower  end  of  the  scale  than  the 
higher,  I  have  purposely  emphasized,  in  this  discussion,  the 
higher.  To  b&sure,  the  problem  of  feeble-mindedness  is 
enormously  important.  "Feeble-mindedness,"  wrote  Amos 
Butler,  "  produces  more  pauperism,  degeneracy  and  crime 
than  any  other  one  force.  It  touches  every  form  of  chari- 
table activity.  It  is  felt  in  every  part  of  our  land.  It 
affects  in  some  way  all  our  people."  ^  Bui  facts  concern- 
ing feeble-mindedness  constitute  only  a  small  part  of  our 
knowledge  about  intelligence.  We  are  beginning  nowa- 
days to  study  the  exceptionally  bright  child  as  well  as 
the  dull  one,  realizing  that,  if  it  is  worth  while  to  dis- 
cover the  best  training  for  a  feeble-minded  girl  like  Abbie, 
it  is  many  times  worth  while  to  seek  out  adequate  prepara- 
tion for  the  future  leaders  in  literature  and  art,  science, 
business,  and  government.  But  in  dealing  with  bright 
children  or  with  dull,  there  are  certain  laws  and  relation- 
ships  which  are   fundamental,  and   which   hold   for  all 


• "  The 


Burden    of 


Feeble-Mindedness." 


Proceedings 
'yO/,  p.  10. 


of    the 


i6 


INTRODUCTION 


degrees  of  intelligence-.  There  has  gnnvn  up  a  science 
nf  general  nitelhgence.  This  ^x,ok  is  intended  to  serve  as 
an  introduction  to  that  science. 

I5y  the  science  of  intelligence  I  do  not  mean  simply 
the  art  or  applyn:g  a  modern  scale  for  the  me^usurenu-nt 
of  Mitelhgence.  I  o  apply  these  scales  is  the  task  of  the 
specially  tramed  expert.     The  scales  themselves  are  still 

modified.     I  herefore.  it  requires  a  prohibitive  amount  ot" 
tune  and  study  to  keep  abreast  witii  the  latest  develop- 
ments, to  say  nothing  of  the  time  neces.sarv  to  give  the 
tests  so  that  no  one  but  a  specialist  has  the  opportunitv 
and  skill  to  be  a  good  intelligence  tester.     However    no 
matter  how  successfully  the  tests  of  intelligeiKe  are  ion- 
ducted,   the  immediate  results  in  themselves  have  little 
value.     They  by  no  means  constitute  an  adequate  mental 
diagnosis.     They  must  l>e  interpreted  in  connection  with 
other  data  Ix^fore  any  definite  conclusions  can  l>e  drawn 
The  intelligence  tester  needs,  in  addition  to  his  technical 
skill,  a  knowledge  of  intelligence  in  all  its  aspects  and 
relations— a  vei^  broad  and  thorough  knowledge.     And 
to  the  average  V,  .rker  with  children,  to  the  educator 
whether    administrator    or    teacher,    just    this    bnader 
knowle.lge  is  ot  infinite  value.   It  is  with  this  material  tl^t 
the  following  pages  are  concerned :  they  do  not  comprise 
a  manual  of  intelligence  testing.    Some  account.  ,t  is  true 
IS  given  of  the  methods  for  measuring  intelligence     This 
IS  done  however,  for  the  light  that  a  knowledge  of  these 
methods  throws  upon  the  meaning  of  intelligence,  and 
upon  the  many  important  conclusions  to  which  their  use 
has  led. 

The  topic  of  intelligence  is  naturally  (.f  the  utmost 


INTRODUCTION 


17 


C(jnceni  to  the  c(lucat(jr,  lx;c:iuse  education  deals  primarily 
with  the  development  or  training  of  intelligence.  The 
teacher  must  grapple  with  problems  of  the  development 
of  intelligence,  and  of  individual  differences  in  intelli- 
gence, not  occasionally  and  incidentally,  but  constantly. 
These  are  the  verj'  gist  of  her  work.  Without  a  thorough 
understanding  of  the  modern  investigations  alorg  this 
line,  and  their  significance,  it  is  impossible  for  the  'eacher 
to  know  what  she  should  aim  to  do  or  what  methods 
she  should  employ  in  the  accomplishment  of  her  aims 

The  teacher  of  to-day  needs  a  knowledge  of  the 
modern  psychology  of  intelligence.  She  must  know 
when  it  is  desirable  to  try  to  bring  a  backward  pupil  up 
to  grade,  and  when  it  is  not,  and  why  it  usually  is  not. 
She  should  realize  that  the  exceptionally  bright  child  who 
seldom  troubles  her  may  be  her  greatest  problem.  She 
should  mJerstand  the  sources  of  the  errors  teachers  often 
make  in  their  estimates  of  brightness  and  dullness,  such, 
for  instance,  as  the  failure  to  take  properly  into  account 
differences  in  age.  She  should  l)e  familiar  with  the  con- 
cept of  mental  age  and  with  the  method  of  classifying 
children  as  superior,  dull,  or  normal  by  its  aid  more 
accurately  than  in  any  other  manner.  The  teacher  should 
know  that  intelligence  has  a  physical  basis,  and  should 
understand  the  relation  of  intelligence  to  the  brcin  and 
to  physical  defects.  This  relation  places  heavy  respon- 
sibilities upon  her.  Further,  she  ought  to  understand  the 
part  played  by  the  various  mental  processes  in  the  make-up 
of  intelligence,  and  the  interrelationship  and  organization 
of  these  processes.  She  should  comprehend  the  relation- 
ship between  mental  ability  and  success  and   failure  in 

^^  -^ii'w-^-i.  VioFK,  III  vn^ixzi    Lv>  ucLci  iiiiiic  upu:i  Iiic  pi  upcF  ircilt* 


z8 


INTRODUCTION 


men  of  over-age  pupils,  and  in  order  to  value  the  great 
prohlen,  ot  prcvcntn.g  children  from  dropping  out  of 
school  belore  they  have  recencd  the  educati<.n  that  is 
their  right.  She  must  know  that  innate  brightness  and 
dullness  can  1^  recognized  at  an  early  age.  and  that  they 
demand  recognition  as  fundamental  factors  in  the  deter- 
mination both  of  the  general  school  organization  and  of 
educational  methods. 

Clearly,  the  science  of  education  depends  upon,  and 
finds  Its  surest  foundation  in,  the  science  of  intelligence. 


CHAPTER  II 

THE  MEASUREMENT  OF  INTELLIGENCE 

The  successful  measurement  of  intelligence,  first 
accomplished  by  the  method  of  Binet  and  Simon,  is  per- 
haps the  most  brilliant  achievement  of  modern  psychol- 
ogy.  It  supplied  an  imperative  need  long  felt  by  all 
discerning  persons  engaged  in  work  with  children.  The 
science  of  psycholog>'  has  lieen  vitalized  and  rejuvenated 
by  this  achievement,  which,  in  its  far-reaching  and  ever- 
growing developments  in  the  fields  of  psychology  and 
education,  has  exceeded  the  most  sanguine  expecta- 
tions of  those  men  of  clear  vision  who  labored  towards 
its  culmination. 

Pioneer  Studies  in  the  Measurement  of  Intelligence. — 
Work  earlier  than  that  of  Binet,  and,  indeed,  much  of 
the  earlier  work  of  Binet  himself,  was  directed  not  so 
much  towards  the  measurement  of  intelligence  as  a  whole 
as  towards  the  development  of  tests  for  measuring  various 
elementary  features  of  human  capacity.  The  great  pio- 
neer in  this  sort  of  work  was  Francis  Gallon,  who,  in 
1883,  published  an  elaborate  account  of  individual  and 
racial  differences.^  The  object  of  his  tests  and  measure- 
ments, he  described  as  follows :  "  It  is  to  obtain  a  general 
knowledge  of  the  capacities  of  a  man  by  sinking  shafts, 
as  it  were,  at  a  few  critical  points.  In  order  to  ascertain 
the  best  points  for  the  purpose,  the  set  of  measures  should 
l)e  compared  with  an  independent  estimate  of  the  man's 


'  Inquiries  into  Human  Faculty." 


19 


20 


THE  MEASUREMENT  OP  INTELLIGENCE 

pre      wr^ 


arele  Zt  Suct'e' -™  ""'^  °^  '"^  measurements 

however,    he    followed   cri'^^fi'""'    '"  «'""=  «^. 
«u<lie<l  difference,  f,rn,en  '"'   P"-««lures.      He 

tionnaires;  „,e  nWi  !  T,  ,a t'T^""^.''^  ^'="»"'<=  <!"«! 
he  tested   ,>y  carcfu    exZ' ^ent   Tr/'™''  "'  ™S'«. 
fensnuity  to  high  pitehe,  w  ,?■  ,?"•    '°'  'determining 
become  too  high  to  ^  a  d  kl!?    ,"  ™"  "'  ™hich  pitches 
One  of  these,^he  tens  ^  '■'''•  'f  f  ™-<!  ^  i^-nd  of  whistle 
walking-stick,  withabirjf  r„brirl'"'°  ""=  '"'>  °'  his 
he  handle.     A  sudden  sou  e.^  nflf^  '^°"'=^«l  ""der 
httle  air  into  the  whistle  and  '        i"  '"""«  f"''"''  ^ 
"s  walks  through  zooIoL  Ird     ''',  "  "•  ^°""''-     On 
hy  soundmg  tins  apparatl^s  as^'ear  ;%"  '"""'"^  ''™="f 
nials,  as  he  safely  could     It  th"  /  °  '"=  '"'  °'  'he  ani- 
ears,  he  concluded  tliat  thev  hfrl  h  ""J  ^  '"''''''"<'  "P  'heir 
*d  not,  that  the  tone  wlsfntdib:''  "'  ""'^"^^ ''  *ey 

Galton  was  followed  hv  , 
'ors,  who,  while  perfecting  V."^'  ™'"'*''  "^  "^estiga- 
and  increasing  their  numfe^fl'^'r"  °'  '"^"'^"  '-'' 
■ng  their  applicability  to  ™ H  "I       °''^'=™'i°ns  regard- 

Gtnnany,  Kraepelin'i  ,augu  ZT','"' P""^™'     I" 
ences  between  the  mentaWn         f     "'  °'  *«  differ- 
America,  CattelldevTed  a  s«"f?"  ""'  '^^  '"''"'■    I" 
of  years  were  given  to  f  r^Ze  ,  en  :  """?■  '°'  ^  """"-' 
verstty.    These  tests  were  des.Ww^^  ^°'™'''«  U"'" 
"es  as  the  following:  St  eS   '        ■''""■""'^''  "F«'- 
Possible  squeeze  of  the  I  .'T     °    ^"'V  '"•  ""^  ?™'est 
lll^l^liilKlica^d  by  the  dil^anre  S  m  rr'"""""™  "^ 


PIONEER  STUDIES 


az 


compass  points  in  order  that  they  may  be  felt  as  two; 
the  sense  of  pain,  measured  by  the  amount  of  pressure 
on  the  ball  of  the  hand  required  to  produce  a  painful  sen- 
sation ;  the  ability  to  discriminate  weight  marked  by  the 
least  difference  noticeable;  reaction  time,  the  time  elapsing 
Ijefore  a  stimulus,  e.g.,  a  loud  sound,  calls  forth  a  move- 
ment made  in  response  to  it  by  the  finger;  visual  space 
perception,  determined  by  the  ability  to  bisect  a  50  cm. 
line ;  time  estimation,  shown  in  the  ability  to  reproduce 
an  interval  of  10  seconds  by  taps  made  on  the  table;  and 
memory,  manifested  by  the  numl^er  of  letters  that  can 
l)e  repeated  correctly  after  one  hearing.^ 

As  measures  of  ability,  Cattell's  tests  were  chiefly 
negative  in  value."*  Other  tests,  however,  which  were 
directed  rnmarily  to  the  study  of  cliildren,  were  some- 
what more  successful.  Gilbert,  for  example,  established 
by  a  numlx^r  of  tests,  norms  of  performance  for  school- 
children of  all  ages  from  6  to  17.  Besides  finding  an 
increase  in  aoility  with  advance  in  years,  he  found  some 
of  his  tests  to  correlate  with  the  brightness  of  the  children 
as  estimated  by  their  teachers.  "  The  curves  for  reac- 
tion time  gave  the  most  positive  results,  showing  that 
the  brighter  the  child  the  more  quickly  he  is  able  to  act"  ^ 
These  tentative  beginnings  continued  until  finally  it  ap- 
peared [XDSsible  to  establish  nonns  whereby  a  child  could 
l)e  readily  classified  for  pedagogical  purposes.*^ 

The  work  of  American  investigators  was  criticized  by 

I '"Mental  Tests  and  Measurements."  Mind,  vol.  xv,  pp.  27A-i77- 
L,^  )^' 'S3ler.  "  Correlation  of  Mental  and  Physical  Tests " 
/  sychological  Keinew  Afnnooraph  Supflemruts.  vol.  iii,'  1901,  No  16 
c  u  "  '^/'^arches  on  the  Mental  and  Physical  Development  of 
>chool  Children."  Studks  from  the  Vale  l's\cholouical  Laboratory 
vul.  n,  i8<;4,  r   94- 

ru-i!.^^^.,*^^'^y',"r^y^'^"'^''>'s'^^'  Tests  of  Normal  and  Abnormal 

V^nildren.        Psvrhnlnnica!  Rt'Z'iav.  vc.l    v.    icym    n     t;' 


"     THE  MEASUREMENT  OP  INTELLIGENCE 

processes  wl.ich  ^verAlo%„'7^'"f■T'''"'^'''^  "    '"al 
ciently  involve  the  ''suwrinr  "^  '^"i''^ '  '"''  "°'  ™ffi- 

according,,  proceeded  to'TwseTw/""'';"''     ^''^>- 
wh.ch.  although  simple  in  Tnn  ;.  ,        ?    """''^''  "'  '^'ts, 

Plex  mental  activi.jf    Instea    o^"'  '"'°'>'"'  "">^"°™- 
to    distinguish    sli4ilv    diff  ""^i^nng  the  ability 

they  sought  to  oi  lln  nn  '"'•   ™«''^'^    »■•    colors 

'l>o-  of^judgmem    svmhesr'""""  °'  ^"*  P"--^  ^ 
appreciation 'often    h    t  ;,;"Z"r"°"  ^"^  ^^'^"'"'^ 
not   be   exactly  analyzed    l^c     , ,      ?'  "'"^''  "uld 
they  were  compi,,-^'  ''  ""'''  ™ly  be  said  that 

The  Binet-Simon  Measuring  Scale -Tl,    r.-        . 
■wale    represents    a    crvsfall.i,  7  ""^ '^'"«-S'mon 

ac,uired  through  ma,? yea  Tor."  ""    """""« 

years  ..fore  the  perfecLfo     1°  S!:"ZTuT     ''"' 

l.e  value  of  n.ental  and  pl,ysica  ,?,s  ^u  f  """*''' 
an  extensive  field,  including  n,!,  '""'  ^''ered 

height  and  weigh     and  S  ""^^''"■•'=™^"ts  of  the  head, 

atten„o„.  He  Ld  for  !  :rs  h  e'^'"'"""'  "^"-^  ^-'1 
the  children  ,n  the  schoos  of  Paris  X'^T'^  ^"""« 
a.,  expert  knowledge  of  child  psycho^'  "'  "'"  '^'^'"'^ 

ine  practical  necessi'tv  r.f  t  ■  ■^' 
the  measurement  of  inte  Lnce  "7^  '°""'  ""=^"=  f°f 
« hh  great  force  when  fn  "  '^  ^"^ht  home  to  him 
of  Public  Instruction  made  hf*  "''  ^''"'^  ^''''''^ter 
m.-.on  apponued  f.,  tl  e  ,  urt":e' f"'"""^  °'  '  ^™- 
for  subnormal  children  in  ,1,7  ,?■  °'S^'^""S  classes 
"ow  were  subnorm      d  1.     'n  "^if  '  ""°°'^  "^  P-- 


'«05.'  p/:^J"^''''°'"^'^~i^^iMe 


/-'^>i«rv  /^^j^/iw^^^";;^ 


THE  BINET-SIMON  MEASURING  SCALE       23 

it  was  important  that  the  selection  of  children  for  special 
classes  should  not  be  left  to  the  uncertainties  of  personal 
opinion.  It  was  under  the  incentive  of  this  pressing  and 
practical  difficulty  that  Binet.  in  collaboration  with  Dr. 
Simon,  produced  the  brilliant  synthesis  known  as  the 
Binet-Simon  measuring  scale  of  intelligence.  This  scale, 
in  its  earliest  guise,  was  published  in  1905  and  in  its 
perfected  fomi  in  1908. 

The  Binet-Simon  scale  comprises  a  large  numl:>cr  of 
intelligence  tests  arranged  in  a  series  of  increasing  diffi- 
culty.    The  tests  require  the  answering  of  brief,  direct 
questions  and  t'^    performance  of  simple  tasks,  all  bearing 
upon  matters  ui  every-day  life.     They  manifest  great 
variety  and  demand  many  dififerent  mental  processe's,  as 
the  following  list  shows.     Subjects  are  asked  to  execute 
simple  orders;  to  name  familiar  objects;  to  repeat  short 
series  of  digits  and  short  sentences;  to  compare  lengths, 
and  weights;  to  count,  naming  pieces  of  money,  and  mak- 
mg  change ;  to  define  familiar,  concrete  terms  and  abstract 
terms;  to  point  out  similarities  in  the  meaning  of  two 
words;  to  point  out  differences;  to  tell  what  they  see 
in  a  complex  picture;  to   copy  geometrical  figures  or 
reproduce  them  from  memory ;  to  tell  what  ought  to  be 
done  in  various  situations;  to  put  together  the  words 
of  a  dissected  sentence  so  that  they  make  sense;  and  to 
recognize  absurdities. 

Some  authorities  are  of  the  opinion  that  tho  success  of 
the  Binet  and  Simon  tests  is  due  to  their  preoccupation 
with  the  higher  and  more  complex  mental  functions. 
Although  there  is  some  truth  in  this  contention,  many  of 
Binct's  tests  are  exceedingly  simple;  as  simple  as  any  of 
the  older  tests.  Taken  uidividually,  Binet's  tests  have  not 
lieen  proved  superior  to,  nor  greatly  dififerent  from  th^^ 


24     THE  MEASUREMENT  OF  INTELLIGENCE 

IntelHgenceTe  tel,        .^''  °^  '""^  '"  combination 

bination     the    u-nHri  »  •  i  ""mDer  of  tests  in  com- 

!)>•  ages.    Thev  are  ,11^  !     f  f  "  ""■  "''rangement 

a  system  of  tests  to  test  abilitv  ;o  H    VT    ^^ ,^''^S^^S 
can  determine  to  what  ai  of  1  ^         ,    .^'''  ^^'"8^^'  °"^ 
any  tested  chi^  or  e  ;  nl    "^^         ^T  ^''^'^^ 
child  whose  ability  is  eSle  i  I  ^'  °/  *'^"  "^'■"^^^ 

to  I.  the  mental 'a^oT  the  lati^'  \7''\f''''  ''  ^'^ 

on    ^fVmaf X""  '■ 'RenriSeH'''5"''""u"^  ^^^  Feeble- Mi;;j;7^^. 


THE  BINET-SIMON  MEASURING  SCALE       25 

As  far  back  as  1828,  Esquirol,  the  first  writer  clearly  to 
define  the  term  idiocy,  called  attention  to  the  fact  that 
an  idiot  was  incapable  of  acquiring  the  knowledge  of  other 
persons  of  his  own  age  placed  in  similar  conditions 
with  himself." 

Duncan  and  Millard,  in  1866,  plainly  thought  in  terms 
of  mental  age,  when  they  wrote,  concerning  the  various 
classes  of  feeble-minded,  "  It  is  a  very  striking  method 
of  showing  the  mental  deficiency  of  a  member  of  any  one 
of  these  classes  to  compare  its  mental  gifts  with  those 
of  children  of  perfect  mind  at  younger  ages."  *° 

In  the  same  vein,  we  find  Down,  in  1887,  discussing 
<is  follows  the  classification  of  backward  and  feeble- 
m'  '-I  children:  "In  any  given  case  we  have  to  ask 
oi:  fs,  can  we  in  imagination  put  back  the  age  two 
or  more  years  and  arrive  thus  at  a  lime  perfectly  con- 
sistent with  the  mental  condition  of  our  patient?  If  he 
be  a  backward  child,  we  shall  have  no  difficulty  in  saying 
what  period  of  life  would  be  in  harmony  with  his  state. 
If,  however,  he  be  an  idiot,  there  is  no  amount  of  imag- 
inary antedated  age  to  which  the  present  condition  of 
the  child  corresponds."  ^  * 

The  concept  of  mental  age  is  clearly  implied,  though 
not  definitely  formulated,  in  these  passages.  Mental  aijc 
means  a  certain  degree  or  amount  of  intelligence,  A 
year's  growth  in  mental  age  is  a  unit,  although  one  which 
changes  with  age,  for  the  measurement  of  intelligence. 
Each  mental  age  stands  for  the  degree  of  intelligence 
possessed   by   the   normal    child    of    the   corresponding 

•"  Observations  pour  servir  a  I'histoire  de  I'idiotie."  Les  maladies 
mentales,  Paris,  1828. 

""A  Manual  for  the  Classification,  Training,  and  Education  of 
the  Feeble-MindeH.  Imbecile,  and  Idiotic,"  p.  13. 


2(^     THE  MEASUREMENT  OF  INTELLIGENCE 

chronological  age.  To  say  that  a  child  has  a  given  mental 
age  means  smiply  that  he  behaves  in  the  manner  of  th. 
a%crage.  or  normal,  child  of  that  a^e-  hn M  1^ 

of  doing  the  same  things.    T  u     ffVchn  ,    '  "  ''^^^''. 

mental  age  s  onlv  ei'r'  •  •  u^^ ;, .  "^         ^     ''  *^"'  "'^ 

of  the  same  mental  ^^ro^anc'' ,"■""  '°  '"  ^^P"'* 
yea.  oM  ,Hi,d,  .e  sa^y  .irhTm\.n  a  ^elTeirl;: 
that  he  ,,  t«„  years  ntentalh  advaneed 

nient  ot  tests  on  children  of  all  ajres  a    I  ,  J 

upon   those   which   could   be  na  s.Tl  "'  ''"^'^ 

children  of  each  age  this^wav   tl  "^  '  "^'-".'"'^  ""^ 

tests  which  six-yeaVold  cl-lLr^e;  & 

according  to  the  a-e  nf  ^v^.Vl  ,  '  ,'''^^^'^ed  m  sets 

pass  thetl  that    ,  ;;  if:,    '  t  Br  S,       '"V7'''  '^ 
n.easnreme„t  of  intelli'e,  e"      ulf  T\  °'  ""= 

"f  three  ,0  the  a,e  of  ml2.  '''  ''"'^  '''"  "«' 

To  ilhistratc  the  arrangement  of  these  te«  n..f 
anees  by  years,  1  mav  eite  t1,e  ori-Hnal  li  t  „        "^    '^"■T' 
nients.  in  an  ahbreviated  forn.fe    c  'i  Ln  77'"'"''- 
three  to  t\velve.'=  cnuuren  of  the  ages 


1 


'? 


THE  BINET-SIMON  MEASURING  SCALE 

Mental  Age  Four  Years 
Gives  sex  of  self. 

Names  familiar  objects  (key,  knife  and  penny). 
Repeats  correctly  three  digits,  e.q.,  "  7-2-g." 
Tells  which  of  two  lines  is  the  longer  (5  cms.  and  6  cms.). 

Mental  Age  Five  Years 


27 


1.  Correctly  compares  3  and  12  grams  and  6  and  15  grams. 

2.  Copies  a  square  of  3  or  4  centimeters  well  enough  to  recognize 

It  as  a  square. 

3.  Repeats^  10  syllables,  e.g.,  "  His  name  is  John.    He  is  a  very  good 

boy." 

4.  Counts  four  pennies  placed  in  a  row. 

5.  Re-forms  a  visiting  card  from  the  two  pieces  made  by  cutting  one 

diagonally. 

Mental  Age  Six  Years 

1.  Tells  whether  it  is  morning  or  afternoon. 

2.  Defines  by  use  at  least  three  of  the  following:  fork,  table,  chair. 

horse,  mama. 

"At  four  years,  half  the  children  define  by  'use':  it  in- 
creases a  httle  at  five,  and  at  six  practically  all  define  this 
way.  Not  before  nine  do  the  majority  give  the  definitions  that 
are  '  better  than  by  use.'  " 

3.  Executes  three  simple  commissions  given  at  once. 

4.  Indicates  right  hand  and  left  ear. 

5.  Chooses   the  prettier  of  two  heads,   one  pretty,  the  other  very 

ugly,  when  they  arc  shown  in  pairs. 

Mental  Age  Seven   Years 

1.  Counts  thirteen  pennies  placed  in  a  row. 

2.  Tells    what    he    sees    in   pictures.      Describes    instead    of    simply 

naming  things. 

3.  Tells  what  is  lacking  when  shown  pictures  of  a  head  lacking  an 

eye,  a  mouth  or  a  nose,  or  of  a  head  and  body  lacking  arms. 

4.  Lopies  a  diamond. 

5.  Names  promptly   four  colors— red,  blue,  green  and  yellow. 

Mental  Age  Eight  Years 

1.  Tells   difference  bet^veen   a  butterfly  and   a  fly;   between   wood 

and   glass ;   between   paper  and   pasteboard. 

2.  Counts  backwards   from  20  to    i,   in  20  seconds. 

3.  Names  da\"S  of  the  week  in  10  seconds. 

4-  Tells   how    much    they  are   worth,    when    shown   three   one-cent 
and   three   two-cent    stamps. 


28 


THE  MEASUREMENT  OF  INTELLIGENCE 


1  Make,  ...  -^  ^"  ^''^^  Yeaks 

2  Cil.    /^^^"^"-^  '^^"ts  out  of  2^ 

2-  Gives  definitions  better  than  by  use 

3-  Barnes  the  day  of  the  week    fL  .u     . 

^     and  the  year.  ^''^'  '^''  '"°""^.  the  day  of  the  month 

t  Ar"SesTn?o;t'e?ttd'err^  ■"  '' T^^'^ 

i8  grams         '''  °''^"  ^  ^"'«  <>f  vveights  of  6.  9.  12.  15  and 

,    V  .  ^^EN'TAL  Age  Tex  Years 

2  DraT^r"  ^'■'^7'"^  P'^"^  °f  nioney 

3  Re%r  "^  SI'  '"'"^^^'"'  ^"'«-  f--  -emory. 

:  T^^loV&  Z^j;-S'::^^^^^r.s.  ..,,  .-What  ou.ht 

^    Uses  three  words,  as  Xew  W-mr;t"d^!vT^ro;'  "sentence. 

Ment.vl  Age  Eleven  Ye.\r<; 


I. 

3- 
4. 
5' 


Mental  Age  Twelve  Years 

solves  problems  of  facts      (n\  "  & 

forest  of  Fontainebleau  suddenir,?.?,  "^  '°  "^1'  ^^•^''"S  '"  the 
hastened  to  the  nearest  Dolic^.n^i'""'^  T'^^  frightened  and 
han.^mg  from  the  limb  of'a  ^ee  aihT- ^r/'j^'-  ^,'  '^^^  ^'^^^ 
has  been  having  strange  visitors  hI  h  ^^^  -^^^  neighbor 
the  other  a  physician,  a  llwyer  an<f^^  H  '  '""^'^"^  °"«  ^^ter 
happened  at  the  house  of  myTeighbor '  •'"■^'"^"-    "^^^^^^  ^as 


"See  Chapter  X,  p. 


190. 


REVISIONS  OF  THE  BINET-SIMON  SCALE     29 

who  fails  on  one  or  two  of  the  tests  of  one  age  can  pass 
some  of  the  tests  for  the  next  higher  age.  Consequently 
the  rule  for  determining  the  mental  age  of  a  child  is  to 
take  the  highest  mental  age  for  which  all  tests  are  passed 
plus  one-fifth  of  a  year  for  each  additional  test. 

Evidence  of  the  Accuracy  of  the  Revisions  of  the 
Binet-Simon  Scale. — The  Binet  tests  were  promptly  intro- 
duced into  America,  chiefly  through  the  translation  and 
revision  of  Dr.  Goddard,  who  used  the  tests  extensively 
and  gave  them  an  enthusiastic  endorsement.  The  pub- 
lished data  clearly  indicated,  however,  that  the  tests  were 
capable  of  improvement.  At  the  lower  ages  they  showed 
far  more  children  advanced  than  retarded,  whereas  at  the 
upper  ages  they  rated  the  majority  of  children  as  retarded. 
Plainly,  they  were  too  easy  at  the  lower  ages  and  too  hard 
at  the  upper  ages. 

No  sooner  were  these  imperfections  recognized  than 
psychologists  in  various  parts  of  the  country  undertook 
their  elimination.  Elaborate  experimental  work  was 
carried  on,  and  the  standards  to  which  these  tes<^s  had 
to  conform  in  order  to  be  entirely  reliable,  w^ere  taken 
under  consideration.  As  the  criteria  of  reliability  were 
established,  the  tests  w-ere  revised  to  conform  to  them.^* 
Some  of  the  tests  were  shifted  to  different  ages  and  others 
replaced  by  better  ones.  The  amount  of  painstaking, 
scientific  work  done  upon  these  tests  was  enormous.  As 
a  result,  the  Binet  tests,  in  their  latest  form,  have  an 

"  Kuhlmann,  "  A  Revision  of  the  Binet-Simon  System  for  }..  ^s- 
mmg  the  InteUipence  of  Children,"  Journal  of  Psychn-Asthenks, 
Monogmph  Supiylcinrnts.  vol.  i.  No.  i,  IQ12,  and  "  Tlie  Measurement 
of  Mental  Development."  Farihault,  Minnesota,  1917;  Verkes.  Bridges 
and  Hardwick,  "A  Point  Scale  for  Measuring  Mental  Ability,"  1915 ; 
and  Terman.  "The  Measurement  of  Intelligence."  1916,  and  "The 

Measuring  Intelligence,"  191 7. 


3° 


THE  MEASUREMENT  OF  INTELLIGENCE 


who  are  all  of  the  sa.ne  aVe  offer  ,he  T  "'''■" 

when  they  are  large   ft  t  sf fe  ,n  =«';™'--'?e  that, 

the  proun  the  trrealer  ,1,1  ^''"™  "'^'  ""^  °W" 

to  intelligence  ,vhen  ve  have  anufrh^"""'  ^^'=,°^'""S 
age.  We  thus  obtain  through  thete  'f'^  ^"""^'"^  '" 
scale  of  intelligence  bv  wh.Vh  ,  .  '^  "P'  *  "="""■»' 
appb-ingthemi  i^ll^id^arc'hSr'eT  °"  '"^"'°'''  ^^^^ 
The  first  problem,  then,  was  to  shanp  ih.        i     r 

m   he  case  of  the  average  or  median  child.     The  median 

^'iLirroftsr:;'  'rC'T'  ^  '~ 

ured  the  ™e.,.al  agrofTlarge^^aro  X?"" 
chronological  age.  and  arranged  the  meLr  "" 

^t™  i^vi^-^zv"^  ^'<^z: 

i';a?f  agr'.fr  -^  ^^-""-"  ^  -s^ 
..een^Ti/rirzTr^;;  theXr^"'  t 

Lilt  median  mental  ac^e  ohtaineH  "^ii  u_   _!  .    . 

T7::i  iTc  bix,  ana  that 


I 


REVISJONS  OF  THE  BINET-SIMON  SCALE     31 

with  a  large  group  of  seven-year-old  children,  it  will  be 
seven,  etc. 

It  is  very  important  to  note  the  distribution  of  chil- 
dren's mental  ages  alx)ut  the  median.  Most  children  have 
a  mental  age  very  close  to  the  median.  The  others  are 
usually  one  or  two  years  al)ove  or  below  it,  and  taper  ofiF  in 
numbers  gradually  and  symmetrically.  This  characteristic 
distribution  is  illustrated  fairly  well  by  the  following 
results  obtained  with  one  hundred  Minneapolis  school 
children,  between  ten  and  eleven  years  of  age, 
chronologically. 

Mental  Ages  of  One  Hundred  Ten-Year-Old  Children 

Mental  Age  Number  of  Children 

From  7.3  through  8.0  i 

From  8.0  through  8.5  O 

F'rom  8.5  through  9.0  3 

From  9.0  through  9.5  11 

From  9.5  through  10. o  19 

From  10.0  through  10.5  30 

From  10.5  through  ii.o  17 

From  I  r.o  through  1 1.5  9 

F'rom  1 1 .5  through  12.0  6 

From  12.0  through  12.5  i 

From  12.5  through  13.0  3 

The  average  chronological  age  of  the  group  is  ten 
years  and  five  months,  and  the  average  mental  age  very 
nearly  the  sanie,  namely,  ten  years  and  four  months. 
The  boys  and  girls  in  the  group  average  a1x)ut  the  same 
in  chronological  age,  but  the  girls  are  ahead  of  the  boys 
in  mental  age.  The  average  mental  age  of  the  fifty-three 
girls  is  ten  years  and  six  months ;  that  of  the  forty-seven 
boys  is  only  ten  years  and  one  month. 

We  may  chart  the  distribution  of  these  one  hundred 
children  along  the  scale  of  mental  age,  by  constructing 
a  figure  in  which  the  mental  ages  are  represented  along 

itC    l^.^c."    \•.■!^n    nn.-l     f!-.ti    r:::-r:'.)^^r-     .-.f    .-1-.j1-?5-£ir:     1-: '.r-.rr    ^~..~U     .-.? 


33 


Till-   MEASUREMENT  OF  INTELLIGENCE 


The  irrctp.larily  in  Fig.  ,  is  ,|„c  ,o  ,l,e  fac,  that  it  i, 

ma.  It  does  not  take  into  account  fractions  of  less  fh-,,, 
one-ha  f  year  in  n^ental  a.^e.     With  a  very  la  Je  group 
and  wuh  :neasuren.ents  in  terms  of  very  sn.allTra'Zs' 


°s^  known  ""'  '^°"^^  ^'f  ^  '"^°°^  ^"'^^-  resembling  what 
s  known  as  a  normal  distribution  curve.     This  c^ve 
would  be  smooth  and  symmetrical,   fitting    a      veil  I 
possible,  the  outlines  of  Figure  No    t      T^         i7  u 
even  better  tli:,n  th^  fi  ,  ^'  ^^^"'^  show. 

aW.T  ^"'■^'  ^^^'  ^'^^  "umber  of  children 

above  the  median  mental  age  is  equal  to  the  numberTlm 
't;  and  that  as  the  distance  above  or  belowTnTreases  the 
number  of  children  decreases      It  ;.  ^  ""^ '"^"^^^^^s  the 
Ar«^  o  .•         r  'JCLredses.     It  is  sometimes  cons  d-- 

ered  a  s  gn  o    accuracy  when  the  mental  ages  of  alari 
group  o,  ch,l<lrcn  to  whom  the  tests  are  applied  t'rnnS 


REVISIONS  OF  THE  I3IXLT-SIMOX  SCALE     33 


I 


I 


n 


■m 

'if 


to  Ik-  tlistribuied  ^yinmt'trically.  in  accordance  with  nor- 
mal distribution,  around  tin-  median  nicntal  ?gc.  As 
a  matter  of  fact,  liowever.  the  distrihi.ti(jn  curves  do 
not  prove  the  accuracy  of  the  tests.  Rather  tliey  have 
value  only  insofai  a.-,  we  may  assume  that  accuracy  has 
Uxn  attained. 

We  kn(nv  that  the  tests  are  accurate  in  ret,'ard  to  the 
average  result  with  large  groups.  This  is  proved,  as  I 
have  indicated,  by  the  etjuality  between  the  median  mental 
age  and  the  chronological  age  of  the  group.  To  prove 
their  accuracy  in  individual  cases  is  much  more  difiticult. 
for  there  is  no  way  to  make  certain  that  a  measurement 
of  any  particular  child's  intelligence  is  correct  without 
knowing  l)e  forehand  how  intelligent  the  child  is.  And  how 
are  we  to  detemiine  the  intelligence  of  a  child  except  by 
the  use  of  our  n  niring  scale?  There  is  no  certain 
method.  We  musi  ^ ^  oli^'ad  and  make  our  measurements, 
then  watch  to  see  whethei  >t  the  future  success  of  the 

child  harmonizes  with  then.  Of  great  aid  is  the  rating 
given  the  child  by  his  teachers  and  the  progress  he  makes 
m  school. 

The  most  accurate  rating  of  the  iiUcIligence  oT  ;.inl- 
dren  that  can  l)e  secured  from  sch(X)l  work  is  that  obtained 
by  classifying  children  of  the  same  age  according  to  their 
grade.  In  any  school  system,  children  of  one  certain  age 
are  scattered  over  four  or  five  grades ;  and  it  is  reasonable 
to  suppose  that  those  who  are  in  the  lower  grades  are  less 
intelligent  than  those  of  the  same  age  in  the  upper  grades. 
Certainly  there  are  many  objections  to  assuming  a  perfect 
correspondence  between  school  grade  and  intelligence; 
but  it  is  reasonable  to  expect  a  considerable  correlation. 
Investigation   shows  that  this  correlation   exists.      The 


iCvi^evi  i*»iiei  LCoci>  bixuv'v   ioi  vi* 


.  r —  ,i,:i,j_. 


.^|i 


34     THE  -MEASUREMENT  OF  INTELLIGENCE 

usually te found^o t ': .';; '" "", ';"'"'■  °^ «'■"'■  -"' 

•"■'y  of  these    xcep"  ™,  T '°"""°"  ""^'"'-    -^  ^-'f^'l 

■ence  tests.     There  are  t„.„        ^'^'^"'^•'O'  of  the  intelli- 

-.1.:  One.  tha  Tf  Z  Z,^7''  r"'^"">-  -« 

because  o- his  a«ere™r,II,.«f         .      '  '""'"  P™moted 

other,  n,„re  Jto"Zunf':''T  '•""""""■ts,  the 

in  his  work  and  ha    tn'l-fi';  t'"''"'r' '"'■-■■--' 
failed  to  understand  I,;         "^"arled  because  h.s  teacher 

mental  gi  ts       n  I  .tnf'""     '/  T  ="  """^"-.e  h,s 
account  If    heirte  ;""  "'  ''"''''""  -'"i''y  on 

teachersarefamiliar    tlel,     1     TT"  "'*  "'"^■'>  all 
children  is  not        e„n  n,  ,  *"'  '"''''  "^  "--'y  '^'''"iant 

of  these  la.ler  ca  es       r    ^   rc^ofrn.zed.     By  ,he  study 
other  «av     "ll  one  .,?  ■  """^  ''^''"^  ">an  ">  any 

gcnce  tes  s     As  a  strS',7''"". '°''  "'■=  ^'"'^  ""«^>li- 
of  Louis  R  '"'^  'llustrat.on,  consider  the  case 

.e--u:  r  fotd  ?:  ■:.::''n,r.a;r::}  tteu/"- 

anu  nine  months  nearlv  tlirp^  ,.  ,  -^^  "^  ^u  elve  years 

^^""""■^'  vol.  XVI ii,   iQ,4,  pp.  2J-J45  ■^'""-"a/   0/   Psycho. 


REVISIONS  OF  THE  BINET-SLMON  SCALE     35 


a  nine-ycar-(jlcl  child.  It  indicated  that  he  had  sufficient 
mental  ability  to  do  work  of  the  fifth  or  sixth  grade. 
Actually,  he  was  in  the  "  B  "  class  of  the  fourth  grade. 
Now  which  was  the  true  indicator  of  his  intelligence,  his 
school  grade  or  the  mental  age  given  by  the  intelligence 
tests?     His  record  will  show. 

The  following  extract  was  taken  from  the  teacher's 
report  to  the  superintendent  in  January : 

Lniiis  R.  was  not  promoted  to  the  "  A "  class  of  the  fourth 
Rr,.  ie,  because  his  work  in  the  "B"  class  does  not  show  continu- 
l  ous  improvement,  but  is  erratic.  If  he  would  apply  himself  he  could 
1  do  the  work  fairly  well,  but  he  will  do  one  or  two  problems  in 
arithmetic  and  let  the  rest  go.  He  spends  most  of  his  time  trying 
.-^  to  make  aeroplanes,  etc.,  out  of  paper,  or  by  whittling  them  from 
/^  little  blocks  of  wood  which  he  brings  to  school.  He  loses  interest  in 
f,  all  school  work  after  a  few  minutes.  He  learned  to  do  long  division 
i  witli  only  one  e: .  '-^nation — did  two  problems  correctly — then  quit 
i       trying  and  failed  sj^^tematically  after  that. 

;  '^''le  cause  of  the  boy's  failure  is  obvious.    His  teacher 

I      (0'    u  not  establish  a  point  of  contact  between  his  active 

J      mind  and  his  school  work.     He  is  a  healthy,  energetic 

German  \x>y  whose   father  is  well  known  all  over  the 

:      state  as  a  wealthy  and  successful  cattleman.    His  parents 

want  the  Ix^y  to  have  every  advantage  possible. 
="  Louis  was  tested  in  January,  19 18,  and  recommended 

for  special  promotion.  He  was  also  transferred  to  another 
building  where  the  fifth  grade  teacher  was  an  expert  with 
children. 

Inquiry  was  made  in  May,  191 8.  regarding  the  boy's 
progress,  and  the  fifth-grade  teacher  said  he  had  again 
been  promoted  on  trial  to  "  B  "  sixth  grade — except  in 
arithmetic ;  she  was  giving  him  special  help  in  arithmetic 
out  of  school  hours,  so  that  by  fall  he  could  enter  the 
"A"  sixth  class  without  condition. 

Cases  like  that  of  Louis  R.  are  not  uncommon.    Manv 


d 


36 


THE  MEASUREMENT  OF  INTELLIGENCE 


such  clnKiren.  considered  dullards  in  sdiool.  have  devel 
oped  nito  men  ot  undoubted  i^enius  "•     Oliv  .r  V.i  ,' 

-as  regarded  as  a  stupid  blockhead  by  h.^      1  e;  t  aS^ 
It  was  only  when  he  went  to  a  second  sd  ool  t  it  he  t         I 
a  teacher  who  realized  his  powerful   rndLctH  '^ 

mountain  mh  I,-, J  i  icacner,     that  a  wi k 

niountani  colt  lud  been  committed  to  mv  care     T>.if  fi,« 

uinct  tests  a  high  degree  of  rcliabihty.     Tlieir  acct.rarv 

;.ea      atha,K,fo:t':;,:!^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ 

Uith  their  aid  a  more  accurate  rating  can  1^  ^P^  1 

of  tLrCt^;,::,:'''  ■"  "■^" '°  «'^-^  ^"="'-" '°  -»^ 

Criticism  ot  th.  Binet-Simon  Scale  -One  nf  ,l,. 
senous  charges  made  against  the  BineTfe  ts  i    tim  S 
ab.:,ty  to  pass  them  depends  too  much  upln  th    a  ade    ! 

cSedt'intf  "'r"™"™^"''  "-•  ''  -  "o 

caltlnffniX  ™b„t";::'^h?f ''  '^'".T  ■'  "^"""'-^ 
chiLl's-arlvtrtininc,     T,  '^      ■   ''t  f'^"'"l>l™«s   of   the 


"Swift.  '-Mind  in  the  Making,"  rgog.  pp.  ^sI^TT" 


a 

1 


CRITICISxM  OF  THE  BINET-SL..  ")X  SCALE     37 

which  a  child  who  had  bet^  in  school  could  manage  with- 
out difliculty.  That  the  tc  is  are  not  altogether  free  from 
ihis  error  may  be  admitted,  but  the  charge  is  not  so  serious 
as  it  might  seem,  for  the  Binet  tests  are  not  concerned 
with  those  things  which  a  child  has  to  be  taught,  but  only 
with  those  things  which  a  child  naturally  leams  as  he 
grows  older. 

After  all.  whether  or  not  a  child  ac(|uircs  kiKjwledge 
depends  largely  upon  his  innate  intelligence.  Any  ordi- 
iiary  environment  offers  abundant  opjjortunities  for  the 
acquisition  of  all  the  knowledge  required  by  the  revised 
r»inet  tests.  Whether  this  little  knowledge  is  acquired 
or  not  may  then  be  simply  a  question  of  the  child's  capacity 
to  take  advantage  of  his  opportunities;  and  it  is  precisely 
this  capacity  to  take  advantage  of  f)pportunities  which  is 
meant  liy  intelligence  and  which  it  is  the  aim  of  the  tests 
to  measure. 

It  may  in  general  be  said  that  a  child's  mental  age  is 
determined  by  growth  of  capacities  rather  than  by  what 
he  learns.  I  have  found  that  feeble-minded  children  of 
nine  years  mental  age  improve  with  practice  in  simple 
menial  operations  just  as  rapidly  as  do  normal  children 
nf  the  same  mental  age.'^  Yet  in  spite  of  this  ability  to 
learn,  the  feeble-minded  children  did  not  increase  in  luen- 
tal  age.  Practically  they  remained  at  the  mental  age  of 
nine  years.  'J'hey  averaged  fourteen  years  chronologically 
and  jirobably  had  reached  their  maximum  mental  age. 
l-vidently,  then,  the  ability  to  change  from  a  low  mental 
age  to  a  higher  is  not  a  matter  of  learning  power.  It  is  a 
capacity  for  mental  growth.    What  a  child  can  learn  and 

Woodrow,  "  Practice  and  Transference  in  Normal  and  Feeble- 
Mfnded  Children. "  Journal  of  Educational  Pxxchnloqy.  vol.  viii. 
!<)i7.  m).  85-06  and  ii;i-i6!;. 

0 


38     THE  MEASUREMENT  OP  INTELLIGENCE 

-ental  age.  This  is  true  of  adu  t  T^  ^'""'^  '" 
learn  throughout  their  hVe  •  but  thev  d"''  T''''''  '° 
to  increase  in  n.ental  age  after  th!?i.  "^''  '^"''""' 
adult  stage.  ^  "'"'^   ^^'^^  ""e'lched  the 

Another  consideration,  sometimes  iT^^rl  o  t 

coming  o:  the  Binet  tests  is  th  it  T  7^  .^  '^'°'^~ 
mental  abnormalities.  They  ^o  not  "^  ."^  '^''^'^  ^" 
nosis  of  such  disorder.?^  .  "''''^  ^°'  ^^^^  ^^-aff- 

and  ope™::  o,  Son  ""T"'™""'"^  '^^  ™P"''-' 
<ions.  however.    The  at,  of  ,T    p-  '""'  ""'  ""'^  "''i^'^" 

ent  matter.  NeverAeIss  I"!?  'T''  °'  "''"""  '^  ="  '"f'''- 
great  value  in  m.^  'g^Lt  thrLISr  'T"  ,"""  "' 
mtelhgence  and  chanrlr     r    .u       ^'""'"sli.p  l>etwcen 

■ished^hat  T'cS  L  "^fe rtr "  ^^  '"^"  '=='^'>- 

of  /rea.  va^ue  fn      li^^'ire"  r^r/o^ "''"'  '"?•  "' 
the  probable  future  of  th?    htlj     lV      ""■'"  ""  "''''•'  "^ 

'henatt;r:ir;:r::-tCt^- 

cal  proc  dure  which  d        ''  '°  ""■  ""^"  ^  "S^'''  "'-hani- 
one  who  „  ::       t  is  ol  eT''  T*  "^  '"""'°"='">'  "'  "'^ 


■I 

J 


CRITICIb  vl  OF  THE  BINET-SLMON  SCALE     39 

detail  of  the  tests  may  be  changed;  the  directions  for 
giving  them  must  Ije  strictly  followed.  Even  so,  the 
inlluence  of  the  tester's  personality  cannot  be  entirely 
eliminated.  And  when  the  measurement  is  completed,  the 
rcsuii  should  never  be  regarded  as  an  end  accomplished, 
but  merely  as  one  means  toward  a  l:>etter  estimate  of  the 
child's  mentality.  The  Binet  tests  must  always  l)e  sup- 
plemented by  further  observations,  and  interpreted  in  the 
light  of  all  the  knowledge  that  can  be  obtained  concerning 
the  child's  health  and  physical  condition,  his  school  record, 
his  parents  and  his  home  life.  The  Binet  tests  do  not 
suspend  the  need  for  expert  insight  into  child  nature  nor 
the  need  for  common  sense  on  the  part  of  the  person 
who  IS  to  realize  their  full  value. 

All  m  all.  the  Binet  measuring  scale  is  a  wonderful 
achievement.  Psychology  has  made  no  other  single  con- 
tribution that  is  of  such  great  practical  value  to  the  science 
and  the  art  of  education.  The  Binet  scale  has  not  only 
afforded  the  means  of  proving  the  absolute  necessity  for 
greater  adaptation  of  education  to  the  possibilities  of  the 
individual  pupil,  but  it  stands  as  the  most  serviceable  in- 
strument for  the  determination  of  those  possibilities.  It 
is  the  confident  prediction  of  many  educators  that  intelli- 
gence tests  will  soon  become  part  of  the  necessary  routine 
of  the  schoolroom;  and  in  all  probability  the  day  is  not 
far  off.  Already  they  arc  in  extensive  use  throughout 
tlie  schools  of  many  nations.  During  the  war,  it  was  de- 
cided to  give  intelligence  tests  to  all  .soldiers  in  the  United 
States  Army.  These  army  tests,  being  intended  for 
adults  rather  than  children,  dififer  from  the  Binet  tests 
m  all  respects  except  their  aim — the  measurement  of 
intelligence.      Intelligence  tests   are  now  given  by   the 


-11   ;^_    r 1 

iii  ii-o  1 1 cbiiiiieiiy  ill  tiic  i)rO" 


40     THE  MEASUREMENT  OF  L\TELLIGEN-CE 

lessional  schcols  as  well  as  in  the  academic  collcj^c   and 
have  been  found  of  real  value 

te.tin"TJtT"7\"  n'^''"^  ''''  "^^^"^'^''^  ^'  --^^^' 
fn  '  f  "/'  '^''''''"'"'  P^vchologists  have  for  some 

ch  Id.en.     Group  tests  cannot  take  the  place  of  the  indi- 
vidual exannnatu.n.     The  idea  is  that  they  ca>.  he  made 
Mjffiaentlv  accurate  for  rapid  sun-eys  to  deternn-ne  tl   -s 
nho  should  he  teste<l  individually.     One  such  svsteni  nf 
^roup  tests  -  is  lately  an  ingeni,^.  adantad^n  ^    v    ^u 
rcv,s,ons  ot  the  Rinet  tests  to  group  .-ork.     It  is  Tow 
l>e.ng  used  m  a  survey  of  the  schools  of  an  entire  c^omUv 
in  Mmncsota.  to  locate  all  cases  of  doubtful  n.entTty 
Another  system,  mtcn.ded  only  for  children  who  can  read 
-d  ;vrue.  ,s  constructed  along  lines  quite  differen    fro 
the  Lmet  scale.-    Instead  of  giving  different  tests  at  e'^ 
a|,^e.  ,t  gn  cs  the  same  tests  at  all  ages.     These  tests  hou 
ever,  are  not  tests  which  a  chiUreither  parses  or    a  is" 
but  tests  n.  which  he  obtains  a  certain  score,     hch  m  v 
be  euher  high  or  low.  as  in  a  spelling  test  or  an  arithned 
test.      1  he  mtelhgence  of  the  child  is  evaluated  bv  "om 
parmg    he  scores  he  makes  in  the   various  tes  's  w  th 
norms  that  have  been  established  by  giving  the  test 
a jargemmilK^^        of  each  age. 

,       ''  Artliur  and   Woodrow    "\n  AbsolVt.  T'  .'?r^-  ^^-  -''5-'47. 


^ 


CHAPTER  III 


BRIGIITXESS  AND  DULLNESS 


Distinction  Between  Mental  Age  and  Brightness.— 

The  '.vcrcl  intelligence  has  two  quite  distinct  meanings, 
which  need  to  be  carefully  distinguished.  In  one  sense, 
intelligence  is  something  which  increases  in  amount  with 
age.  It  is  that  which  is  measured  by  mental  age.  In  this 
sense  of  the  term,  a  child  of  ten  years  of  age  has  much 
PK^re  intelligence  than  a  child  of  three  years  of  age,  even 
if  the  ten-year-old  child  is  dull  and  the  three-year-old  is 
bright.  In  the  other  sense  of  the  term,  intelligence  is 
something  that  remains  more  or  less  constant  throughout 
lite.  This  is  the  sense  in  which  one  employs  the  term 
when  he  speaks  of  a  child  as  highly  intelligent  without 
>pecifying  his  age.  What  one  really  means,  in  this  case, 
is  that  the  cJiild  has  more  intelligence  than  other  children 
of  his  own  age.  In  the  first  sense  of  the  term,  intelligence 
is  an  absolute  amount,  like  height  descril^ed  in  inches; 
in  the  second,  a  relation,  like  height  described  as  tallness 
I  >r  shortness. 

Throughout  the  present  discussion  the  term  intelli- 
gence, if  unqualified,  is  used  only  in  the  first  sense,  in  the 
sense  of  mental  age.  This  makes  it  necessary  to  decide 
upon  a  different  name  for  intelligence  in  the  second  sense. 
The  proposal  has  been  made  to  use  the  term  brightness, 
meaning  by  brightness  any  degree  thereof  from  extreme 
i<licKy  to  genius  of  the  highest  order.  I  have  adopted  this 
proposal,  and  shall  use  the  word  brightness  in  this  broad 


CM         T« 


~  ^    il  V,  r^  W  ci  i  la 


inau  tiic  icfiii  iciaiivc  mtciil- 


41 


43 


BRIGHTNESS  AND  DULLNESS 


degrfe  of  brigtoess  *'"  '"''  "'''^™"'>-  ^  '"Sh 

.Han  H,s;b.ono,„,;L  H^.ttz",^'  ^t':;;::^;'- 

one.    Sensible  plann,    .  „f  n    w  1*7  ""P'^am 

suppose  an  es.nna.e  oftb    del    e  :rh":T'" ",  '"""  ■'"" 

The  Lowest  Degrees  of  Briehtne^Q      n  r   ■  ■ 
Terms  of  Social  SuL.-VnTrtZZ7j^f'''T-  '" 
of  children  was  „,  a  chaotic  odi'ntaa,  "l';','" 
case  of  norn,al  and  supernonnal  cinldren  ,"      2^"  ' " 

Wer^ades      .  ,,       ,-r^ 


THE  LOWEST  DEGREES  OF  BRIGHTNESS     43 

Ix^tween  the  normal  and  the  mentally  defective,  and 
lx,'t\vecn  the  various  grades  of  the  mentally  defective. 

Until  the  introduction  of  the  Binet  tests,  the  most 
widel  accepted  defmltions  of  mental  defectiveness  and 
its  degrees  were  those  suggested  by  the  Royal  College  of 
Physicians  in  London,  and  adopted  by  the  Royal  Commis- 
sion on  the  Care  and  Control  of  the  Feeble-minded.^ 
These  definitions  distinguish  three  degrees  of  mental 
defect,  namely,  idiocy,  iml:>ecility,  and  feeble-mindedness. 
The  feeble-minded  person,  the  highest  of  these  three 
grades,  is  defined  as  "  one  who  is  capable  of  earning  a 
living  under  favorable  circumstances,  but  is  incapable, 
from  mental  defect  existing  from  birth,  or  from  an  early 
age,  (a)  of  competing  on  equal  terms  with  his  normal 
fellows;  or  (b)  of  managing  himself  and  his  affairs  with 
ordinary  prudence."  The  imbecile,  a  grade  below  the 
feeble-minded,  is  defined  as  incapable  of  earning  his  own 
living,  but  able  to  guard  himself  against  common  physical 
dangers;  the  idiot,  as  unable  to  guard  himself  against 
common  physical  dangers.  These  definitions  are  not  only 
indefinite,  but  they  could  not  be  applied  very  well  to  chil- 
dren. For  feeble-minded  children,  another  definition 
was  framed :  They  are  "  those  children  who,  not  being 
imlx'cile,  and  not  being  merely  '  "11  and  backward,  are,  by 
reason  of  mental  defect,  incapable  of  receiving  proper 
benefit  from  the  instruction  in  the  ordinary  public  ele- 
mentary schools,  but  are  not  incapable  by  reason  of  such 
defect  of  receiving  benefit  in  special  classes  or  schools," 

These  definitions  of  the  British  Royal  Commission 
emphasize  the  social  aspect  of  mental  defect.  There  is 
little  doubt  that  social  inefficiency  is  the  most  important 

Royal  Comrrission  on  the  Care  and  Control  of  the  Feeble- 


44 


BRIGHTNESS  AND  DULLNESS 


practical  manifestation  of  the  condition.     In  an  adult 
soaal  ineftic.ency  means  inability  to  conduct  one's  self 
without  the  guardnnship  of  another,  and   inability   to 
perform  work  siUticently  renuuierative  to  supply  ernes 
needs      An  adult  of  the  h,,hc.t  class  of  thcAnentalh- 
defectiye  can  support  himself,  but  only  under  fayorabl'e 
araimstances.     I„  a  chihl.  social  inefficiency  means  p  . 
nu  r  ly  inab,  ity  to  profit  from  the  ordinary  classes  of  the 
Pul^l.c  scho,)ls.      Phe  social  criterion  of  mental  defective- 
ness cals  attention  to  an  important  aspect,  but  l^yond 
that  ,t  IS  yaj^ue.     Moreover,  social  incompetence  may  be 
due  to  other  causes  than  mental  ueakness  ^  ^ 

/;./,m/u.;,.  in  Tcnns  of  Mental  Agc.-\ccume  defini- 
tion  was  clearly  im,K)ssible  without  the  aid  of  mental 
measurement.     Ci„.t  and  Simon  <,ave  the  world  a  mean 
for  defining  m  their  scale  for  measuring  mental  age      Ihe 
possibility  of  measuring  mental  age  having  been  estat 
.shed,  tentative  defim^tions  of  n.ental  defectiveness  a'.d 
t   degrees,  in  tern.s  of  mental  age.  were  promptly  formu- 
lated by  the  committee  on  classification  of  the  American 
Association  for  the  Study  of  the  Feeble-minded  « 

ness  to'^ll  r"'^''''"'  "'^^''"^  '^'  '"'"^  teeble-minded- 
ness  to  all  degrees  ot  mental  defect,  and  then  divided 
the  feeble-minded  mto  three  classes,  as  follows  ■ 

(a)   Idiots :  Those  so  deeply  defective  that  their  men- 

fbLur'two""'  ^"^^  "f ---^J  ^hat  of  a  normal  child  of 
about  t^^o  years      (b)   Imbeciles:  Those  whose  mental 
developtrient  is  higher  than  that  of  an  idiot,  but  does  no 
exceed  that  of  a  normal  child  of  al>out  seven  years      () 


DEFINITION  OF  DEGREES  OF  BRIGHTNESS    a^ 


of  ail  iinljcfilc  but  docs  iK)t  cxcceil  that  of  i  child  of  about 
twelve  \ears.    These  ages  will  likely  need  revision. 

riic  uTiu  inonni.  a  Greek  word,  is  a  new  term."'  adopted 
ujxjn  the  recommendation  of  Ur.  Goddard,  and  now  in 
con-.nion  use  throughout  the  countr}-.  It  signifies  a  person 
conspicuously  lacking  in  judgment  and  good  sense.  The 
desirability  of  this  new  term  arose  from  the  fact  that  the 
term  feeble-minded,  which  is  used  in  England  to  designate 
only  the  highest  class  of  mental  defectives,  had  long 
been  used  in  America  to  include  all  three  classes,  so 
that  it  seemed  Ix-st  to  continue  this  use,  rather  than  to 
adopt  the  Tvi"Hsh  term  amentia.  A  feeble-minded  per- 
-^on  in  Amet.can  usage  is  an  amcnt  in  the  English;  and 
a  moron,  in  the  American  usage,  is  a  feeble-minded  per- 
son, in  the  English.  Both  countries  agree  in  the  use  of 
the  terms  imbecile  and  idiot.  I  shall  hereafter  follow 
the  American  usage. 

Years  of  Retardation  as  a  Basis  for  Definition  of 
Degrees  of  Brightness. — The  above  definitions  of  grades 
of  fceble-mindedncss  in  terms  of  mental  age  are  only 
tentative  and  not  entirely  satisfactory.  They  are  workable 
only  in  regard  to  adults,  for  tmtil  an  individual  is  fully 
matured,  we  do  not  know  what  mental  age  he  may  finally 
attain.  To  avoid  this  difficulty,  feeble-miudedness  has 
-ometimes  been  defined  in  terms  of  years  of  retardation, 
found  by  subtracting  the  mental  age  from*  the  chronologi- 
cal age.  It  is  necessary  to  remember,  however,  that  years 
of  retardation  at  an  early  age  are  much  more  serious  than 
at  a  later  one.    Thus,  a  child  of  four  who  is  three  years 

*  It  conforms  with  the  term  morosis,  used  over  a  century  ago  by 
Linnaeus  to  designate  the  condition  of  severe  feeble-mindedness. 
Nowadays  to  express  the  condition  of  a  moron,  the  term  moronity  is 
used  in  olace  of  morosis. 


46 


BRIGHTNI-SS  AND  DULLNESS 


rt-tarc  c(l.  an.l  theret.)re  one  year  old  mentally,  is  far  more 
^Ic-tect.ve  than  a  clukl  of  ten  who  is  retarded  a  like  number 
^^.IrT;;''?  "•;"-^^l"^^"^'>'  of  mental  as:e  seven.  The  for- 
mer child,  hy  the  a<re  of  ten.  will  have  a  niental  a^a-  far 
Mo^^■  seven,  very  likely  one  of  not  over  three 

M  general,  the  de.^^ree  of  retardation  increases  as  a 
child  becomes  older.  His  normal  companions  leave  him 
farther  and   tarther  l.hind.     This  is  'illustrated  by  the 

mental  age.    Tins  d.a,irram  ,s  lar<,^ely  schematical.  thourh 

ih^V.%T"'''T^  ''"'"  concen^ing  the  decrease  in 
tilt  s,ze  of  the  step  from  one  age  to  the  next  as  the  higher 
ages  are  reached  That  this  decrease  actually  exists  can 
I^  easdy  observed.  For  example,  the  di fference  in  menta 
a  ta,nments  between  a  three-year-old  and  a  four-year-old 
chdd  are  plamly  greater  Uian  that  l>etween  a  fourteen- 
year-o  cl  and  a  ht teen-year-old.     In  both  cases,  it  is  true 

al  t e \7r  ''  °"''"''  '''  ""^^^^  ^^^-  ^"^  ^  >•-'■  -^"  ■--- 

it  do?s  .f  th    /?"^''  "^"^  "^'^"^  ''  ^''^^''  '^'^^S^  t-'^" 
It  Goes  at  the  higher  ages. 

The  verdict  of  common  observation  in  this  matter  is 
corroborated  by  the  results  of  scientific  tests.     This  may 
be  seen  by  a  comparison  of  the  percentages  of  children 
passing  certain  tests.     For  example,  a  mental  test  wh  ch 
fifty  ner  cent,  of  three-year-olds  can  pass  will  be  pi    ed 
by  almost  all  four-year-olds,  at  any  rate,  by  nineh   per 
cen     ot  them.    On  the  other  hand,  it  is  practically  impo" 
s>ble  to  find  a  test  which  only  fifty  per  Jent.  of  fourteen- 
year-olds  can  pass  which  can  yet  be  passed  by  ninety  (or 
even  seventy)  per  cent  of  fifteen-year-olds.    Considerable 
actual  data  exists  on  this  matter.     Thus  Bol^rtag.  who 
save  a  number  of  the  Binet  tests  to  both  seven-  and  eighth 
year-old  children,  found  that  while  the  average  percentile 


m 

■M 


Mi 


DEFINITION  OF  DEGREES  OF  BRIGHTNESS  47 

(if  sevc'ii-year-okls  passing-  the  tests  was  only  45,  the  aver- 
d'^c  percentage  of  eight-year-olds  was  over  76,  an  increase 
ni  over  ^^1  i)cr  cent.  lie  then  tried  the  same  experiment 
with  another  selection  of  Binet  tests  upon  children  aged 
eleven  and  twelve.  In  this  case,  he  found  that  the  per- 
centage of  twelve-year-olds  who  passed  the  tests  was  only 
i^)  greater  than  the  percentage  of  eleven-year-olds  pass- 
ing. Since  ^he  increase  in  the  percent^ige  of  children 
pa'^sing  the  tests  is  twice  as  great  between  the  ages  of 
seven  and  eight  as  l)etwecn  the  ages  of  eleven  and  twelve, 
we  are  entitled  to  conclude  that  the  differences  in  mental 
ability  Ix'tween  the  former  ages  is  greater  than  that 
between  the  latter.  In  general,  the  difference  between  two 
groups  of  children  of  different  ages,  in  the  percentages 
passing  the  same  tests,  ser\-es  as  a  measure  of  the  differ- 
ence in  mental  ability  !>etween  the  two  groups.  On  this 
ba^is,  it  is  possible  to  arrive  at  an  estimate  of  the  size  of 
the  step  in  mental  ability  Ix'tween  any  two  ages.  It  is 
from  such  estimates  that  the  accompanying  diagram 
is  derived. 

The  diagram  shows  that  the  difference  between  the 
(lull  child  and  the  bright  one  becomes  much  greater  as  they 
grow  older.  Not  only  does  the  difference  when  measured 
in  years  of  mental  age  become  greater,  but  even  allowing 
for  the  fact,  as  I  have  done  in  the  diagram,  that  a  year's 
mental  growth  at  the  higher  ages  amounts  to  less  than 
It  does  at  the  lower  ones,  the  difference  in  intelligence  still 
increases  with  age.  This  is  shown  in  the  diagram  by 
the  fact  that  the  three  curves  l^ecome  farther  apart  as 
they  ascend  to  the  right.  A  small  distance  between  the 
curves  at  the  age  of  one  or  two  becomes  a  large  distance 
at  the  age  of  fifteen  or  sixteen.  This  means  that  slight 
mental  retardation  at  the  ap-e  of  two    when  measnrpd 


48 


BRIJHTNJ  SS  AND  DULLNESS 


in  terms  of  yea  ^  is  as  serious  as  ^reat  retanhtion  ., 
the  age  of  fifteen.    One  year  of  retar^dation  at  tt  yea 

ferent  thfnl  f  .'r''  "^  '"'"'"^  retardation  means  dif- 
ferent thmgs  at  d.fterent  ages,  it  is  not  very  convenient 
to  descnbe  the  bnghtness  of  children  in  terms  orsuch  a 

'ill  


Pig.  2. — Growth  in  mental  age. 
unit.     This  consideration  led  to  a  verv  helnfni  r..  i 

mental  age  by  his  chronological  aee      It  th  f  ^ 
a  child's  intelligence  as  a  frZ-T      c' ,  expresses 

i'uejM^ence  a^  a  fraction  of  the  mtelligence  that 


INTT'LLIGENCE  QUOTIENTS 


49 


is  normal  for  his  age.  If  he  has  more  intelHgence  than 
normal,  his  intelligence  quotient  is  more  than  one;  if 
he  has  less  intelligence  than  normal,  it  is  less  than  one. 
For  example,  if  the  mental  age  of  a  child  ten  years  old 
is  twelve,  his  intelligence  quotient  is  the  quotient  obtained 
by  dividing  twelve  by  ten,  or  1.2;  if  his  mental  age  is 
ten,  he  is  normal,  and  his  intelligence  quotient  is  i.o;  but 
if  his  mental  age  is  only  seven,  his  intelligence  quotient 
is  0.7.  A  mental  age  expresses  an  amount  of  intelli- 
gence, whereas  an  intelligence  quotient  expresses  a  degree 
of  brightness. 

The  worth  of  an  intelligence  quotient  depends  largely 
upon  the  extent  to  which  it  remains  constant  throughout 
the  years  of  childhood.  If  the  intelligence  quotient  of  a 
child  remains  constant,  there  is  no  other  item  of  infor- 
mation that  is  of  greater  interest  to  his  parents  or  of 
greater  value  in  directing  his  education,  for  at  any  age 
his  mental  age  will  be  the  same  fraction  of  his  chronologi- 
cal age,  and  we  can  predict  very  early  just  what  intelli- 
gence he  will  have  when  he  is  grown.  Thus  if,  at  the  age 
of  four,  a  child's  mental  age  is  three  and  his  intelligence 
quotient  is  seventy-five  per  cent,  we  can  predict  that  at 
the  age  of  twelve  his  intelligence  quotient  will  still  be 
seventy-five  per  cent,  and  that  consequently  his  mental 
age  will  be  seventy-five  per  cent,  of  twelve,  or  nine. 

The  data  at  hand  indicates  that  intelligence  quotients 
tend  as  a  rule  to  remain  sufficiently  constant  for  practical 
])urposes.^  We  still  need  many  more  measurements  of 
the  same  children  at  several  different  ages;  for  only  by 
such  measurements  can  we  determine  how  often  and  how 


Kiihlmann,  "What  Constitutes  Fceb'e-Mindedness?  "  Journal 
"J  Psycho-Asthenks.  vol.  xix,  1915,  ^.  232:  and  Terman,  "The  Staji- 
tord  Revision  and  Extension  of  the  Binet-Simon  Scale  for  Meas- 
uring Intelligence,"  1917,  pp.  51-61. 

4 


so 


BRIGHTNESS  AND  DULLNESS 


and  that  th;'/ wit     .1  "''". ^^'^^^^^'  ^^"^a.n  average; 

tient       InX^^tSe::^^r!:;--^^^^ow,So: 

quotients-there  is   some  tenden  y   for  2    '  .7    ^^^' 
quotient  to  decrease  u-ithncpTi^.  ,       '"telhgence 

basis  for  the  comron        ^1  ^he  facts,  tlien.  offer  little 

brightness  at  a^eTr  ,"  Tv^'^.^' [''  ^^'^^  '^  •-^-^''^-  '" 
by  a  spurt  at  the  tin.  nf  '^  "^     '^^""-  P'^'^haps 

there  i   every  re.Ln  ^"^'^^^     ^"  ^^^^  ^^her  hand, 

of  bright.        Xa  r.rh''         '  ^'''  ^'  ^  ''^^  '^^^'^ 
the  vvty  into  Idult  Hfe  ''  '"'"'"^  ^"P^"^"^^  -"  ^^o"? 

which  the  e•ro^vfh^^t         ^^^'^'^ase.     This  is  the  age  at 

logical  age,  wl.id,  is  the  dWhT',„Zi  '"'""°' 

■ntelligent  ...otienl,  must  com  nl  T  °^"""'"^  *^ 

the  individual  live  ,  it  "d  "t  ,1^°,'"?'''  '"  '""«  »^ 
the  numerator,  stor«  increa,  m  'l  e  imeffi  "  "'"'"  "'^^' 
must  l*gin  to  decrease.  For  e«ml  s  *^""t '"'°"™' 
age  of  the  avera^-e  nerson?!     •^™P^'  ""PPo^e  the  mental 

avcidj,e  person  does  not  mcreasp  aff^,. .:, 
of  fourteen:  then  an  individual  „i,  **^  ^S^ 

fourteen  and  hence  hid  an  ,  I,  """  J""  """^l  =« 
that  age,  would  at  the  a'e  "f  e  ntf "  ?"?"""  °'  '^  ^' 
of  only  one-half,  since  ^e  ™u W  a  "^"        ?"  "^  ''"'""■"' 

o..a,nLh,di:Mi„^;\o^'tf;%-*-*^ 

It  may  seem  curious  to  sneak  nf  fh  ■ 

growth  in  intelligence  hefor^Tv!  "^  cessation  of 

'g^^nce  ],cfore  the  prime  of  life,  usually 


INTELLIGENCE  QUOTIENTS  51 

rot  reached  before  the  a-e  of  thirty-five  or  forty.  This  is 
because  people  commonly  overlook  the  distinction  between 
ca;ac?ity  and  the  acquisitions  of  experience.  Intelligence 
refers  only  to  the  former.  It  means  mental  power,  and 
not  knowledge  acquired  by  the  use  of  that  power.  It  is 
general  ability,  not  expertness  along  some  one  line.  The 
age  at  which  intelligence  reaches  its  maximum  is  the  age 
at  which  there  is  no  further  growth  of  such  abilities  as 
those  of  memorizing,  of  concentrating  attention,  learn- 
ing, or  reasoning  al^out  new  topics.  It  is  certain  that,  for 
nearly  all  individuals,  this  age  is  below  twenty.  One  may 
go  on  acquiring  knowledge  and  wisdom  all  his  life,  but 
he  works  always  with  the  same  mental  tools. 

The  cessation  of  growth  in  intelligence  is  so  gradual 
that  it  has  not  yet  been  possible  to  determine  with  pre- 
cision at  what  age  it  takes  jilace.  Investigators  have 
usually  found  the  maximum  me  tal  age  for  the  average 
individual  to  Ije  either  fifteen  or  sixteen,  but  the  tests  of 
intelligence  made  in  the  United  States  army  during  the 
recent  war.  indicate  that  the  average  citizen  does  not 
reach  a  mental  age  of  over  fourteen.  Evidence  is  ofifered 
by  the  fact  that  mrragc  persons  of  these  ages  can  pass 
the  same  mental  tests  as  can  average  adults  of  any  age. 
For  example,  the  majority  of  a  group,  made  up  of  busi- 
ness men  of  little  education,  and  of  high  school  students 
over  sixteen  years  of  age.  would  not  be  likely  to  pass  any 
harder  mental  tests  than  would  average  persons  of  ages 
fourteen,  fifteen  or  sixteen. 

Now  if  the  normal  adult  does  not  reach  a  mental  age 
higher  than  that  of  fourteen,  how  are  we  to  state  in  terms 
of  mental  age  the  brightness  of  a  superior  adult?  Since 
any  mental  age  is  defined  as  that  degree  of  intelligence 


Sa 


BRIGHTNESS  AND  DULLNESS 


possessed  by  the  average  normal  individual  of  that  age 
and  the  average  normal  individual  does  not  reach  a  mental 
age  above  fourteen,  it  seems  impossible  to  have  mental 
ages  above  fourteen.  Strictly  speaking,  it  is.  Thedifficultv 
may  be  arbitrardy  overcome,  however,  by  taking  as  tests 
for  fifteen-year-old  intelligence  a  set  of  tests  which  can 
be  passed  by  only  a  certain  percentage  of  those  who  pass 
the  fourteen-year-old  tests.     By  similar  procedure,  tests 
may  be  esta])lished  for  still  higher,  theoretical,  mental 
ages.   In  calculating  the  mental  quotient  of  an  adult,  then, 
one  would  proceed  as  usual,  except  that  he  would  divide 
the  obtained  mental  age  by  fourteen,  no  matter  how  much 
above  fourteen  the  chronological  age  might  be. 

On  the  whole  the  intelligence  quotient  sen-es  as  a  fairly 
satisfactory  index  of  brightness  in  children.  The  difficul- 
ties which  it  offers  with  adults  do  not  exist  with  children 
up  to  the  age  of  fourteen  or  fifteen.  One  sbjuld  of  course 
be  extremely  cautious  in  making  predictions.   One  cannot 
say  that  because  a  child  has  a  mental  age  of  four  at  six 
that  he  will  have  a  mental  age  of  eight  at  twelve.     All 
that  can  be  said  is  that  at  twelve  he  is  more  likely  to 
have  a  mental  age  of  eight  than  any  other  mental  age 
The  mtelhgence  quotient  can  not  be  expected  to  remain 
constant  txcept  for  the  average.    Even  so,  it  offers  the 
best  basis  at  hand  for  the  classification  of  children  in 
regard  to  brightness.     It  can  be  used  to  describe  any 
degree  of  brightness  from  idiocy  to  genius. 

Application  of  Intelligence  Quotients  to  the  Definition 
of  All  Degrees  of  Brightness.-Before  applying  the  intelli- 
gence quotient  to  the  definition  of  various  classes  of  chil- 
dren,  it  is  necessary  first  to  consider  wliat  variation  in 
this  quotient  exists  among  children  of  a  given  a^-e    Aleas- 


APPLICATION  OF  INTELLIGENCE  QUOTIENTS  53 

uremeiUs  by  means  of  the  Binet-Simon  scale  have  clearly 
established  the  fact,  strongly  suspected  before/  that  there 
is  no  gap  or  sharp  line  of  separation  between  any  two 
grades  of  brightness.  The  distribution  of  mental  quo- 
tients is  the  same  as  that  of  mental  ages.^  At  each 
chronological  age,  we  find  children  of  each  degree  of 
hrightness  from  idiocy  up  to  genius.  They  occur  in  num- 
Icrs  which  gradually  increase  as  we  pass  from  idiocy  to 
the  medium  degrees  of  intelligence,  and  then  gradually 
fall  off  agam  as  we  pass  on  up  to  the  highest  grade. 

Because  decrease  in  the  number  of  any  class,  as  we 
l)roceed  in  either  direction  from  the  average,  is  gradual, 
the  boundary  lines  1h' ween  one  class  and  another  are  some- 
w  hat  arbitrarily  drawn.  Wherever  we  draw  them,  there 
will  always  be  a  large  number  of  "  borderline  cases." 
f\  »r  example,  what  mental  quotient  we  select  as  the  bound- 
ary' between  the  feeble-minded  child  and  the  "  dull  but 
normal "  one,  depends  merely  upon  what  percentage 
of  the  population  we  wish  to  term  feeble-minded.  If  we 
agree  to  define  fceble-mindedness  as  the  dullest  one  per 
cent.,"  then  we  will  take  as  its  upper  IxDundary  an  intelli- 
gence quotient  of  seventy  per  cent.,  since  one  per  cent,  of 
children  have  an  intelligence  quotient  of  seventy  per 
cent,  or  below.  Admitting  the  arbitrariness  of  all 
definitions,  we  may  tentatively  accept  the  following 
svstem  of  classification. 


•  Norswortliy,  "  The  Psychology  of  Mentally  Deficient  Children  " 
1006,  p.  80. 

'Sec  previous  chapter,  p.  22. 

/  See  Pintner  and  Patcrson,  "  A  Psychological  Basis  for  the  Diag- 
nosis of  Feeble-Mindedness,"  Journal  of  Criminal  I.niv  and  Crimi- 
nology, vol.  vii,  igi6,  and  T.  B.  Miner,  "  A  Percentage  Definition  of 
Intellectual  Deficiency,"  Proceedings  of  the  Twenty-fourth  Annual 
Meeting  of  the  American  Psychological  Association.  Psychological 
lUdlctm,  vol.  xiii,  1916,  p.  &j. 


54  BRIGHTNESS  AND  DULLNESS 

■ Classification  of  Brightness  Degrees 


Class 


''Near"  genius  or  genius 

Very  superior 

Superior 

Normal,  t)r  average,  ... 

iJuIl,  rarely  feeble-minded'.  ."  '  "  " 

Borderline,  sometimes  dull,  often 

feeble-minded 

Feeble-minded 

Aloron '  '  '  '  ' 

Imbecile 

Idiot 


l.Q* 


Above   1.40 

1. 20-1. 40 

1.10-1.20 

.90-1.10 

.80-  .90 

.70-  .80 
Below  .70 

■50-  .70 

.20  or  .25-  .50 

iielow  .20  or  .25 


*  I.  0.  is  a  common  abbreviation  for  intelligence  quotient. 


Percentage  of 

all  children 
included 

0.25 

6.75 
13-00 
60.00 
1300 

6.00 
1. 00 

•75 
.19 

.06 


The  above  table  shows  that  the  majority  of  cliildren 
namely,  sixty  per  cent.,  belong  in  the  class  called  normal' 
Alx)ve  and  below  the  normal  are  the  superior  and  the  dull' 
each  composing  thirteen  per  cent,  of  the  total  number 

hriS  t''  T  r''""  '"P'"°''  ^^'^  ^°"'^  ^"^^titute  that  of 

hut'  T  ?  °      """7  "'^^^'  '^'■'■g^htness  means  superiority, 
but,  as  I  have  explained,  the  term  brightness  is  needed 
in  order  to  include  all  degrees  of  relative  intelligence 
Consequent  y,  for  brightness  in  the  narrow  sense,  the  word 
superiority  is  preferable,  because  it  prevents  contusion 

fh.  TnlT"  Ti  ''''''^'  ''^''''  °^  '^"'^^''^"  "°t  mentioned  in 
the  table.  These  are  usually  not  defined  with  any  accu- 
racy.   One  of  these  is  the  backward  class.    The  term 

.^ne^'r'tn  il^Hl^,'  "''/"'  °"^  ^°  '''^'^''^'^  ^^^''^-"  -ho 
appear  to  be  dull,  but  whose  dullness,  there  is  reason  to 

beheve,  is  only  apparent  or  temporary.     Then  the  term 

./    would  be  used  when  the  inferiority  was  innate  and 

presumal>Iy  permanent  and  the  term  backzvard  when  there 

was  reason  to  IxMieve  that  it  was  only  temporarv.  and 

uould  be  outgrown.    The  class  called  mentally  retarded 


M 


APPLICATION  OF  INTELLIGENCE  QUOTIENTS  55 

and  that  called  subnormal,  includes  all  the  classes  below 
the  grade  of  normal.  Occasionally  one  hears  the  rather 
ambiguous  phrase,  dull  but  normal.  This  expression  is 
intended  to  emphasize  the  fact  that  the  child  is  not  feeble- 
minded.   It  means  dull  but  not  feeble-minded. 

In  this  classification  of  brightness  degrees,  it  will  be 
observed  that  the  significance  of  a  mental  quotient  is  some- 
times doubtful.  This  is  indicated  in  the  table  in  the  case 
of  quotients  falling  between  seventy  and  eighty,  and 
between  eighty  and  ninety.  The  reason  for  this  is  that  the 
exact  diagnostic  significance  of  a  mental  quotient  is  always 
doubtful.  This  is  chiefly  because  of  three  considerations. 

First,  all  systems  of  tests  yet  devised  are  somewhat 
ambiguous  in  respect  to  what  they  measure.  They  aim 
to  measure  intelligence;  but.  admitting  that  they  succeed 
fairly  well  in  this  aim,  it  must  yet  be  conceded  that  the 
measurements  are  not  entirely  free  from  error.  To  meas- 
ure intelligence,  they  would  have  to  measure  capacity 
altogether  apart  from  learning,  practice,  or  opportunity, 
and  apart  from  any  effects  due  merely  to  the  chronological 
age  of  the  child,  that  is,  to  mere  maturity. 

A  second  consideration  is  that,  entirely  apart  from  the 
question  of  what  the  tests  measure,  there  is  always  present 
in  a  particular  case  the  possibility  of  a  large  error  in  the 
acciiracy  of  the  measurement.  It  is  impossible  to  be 
positive  in  any  individual  case  that  the  real  mental  age 
does  not  differ  considerably  from  the  one  actually 
obtained.  This  remains  true  no  matter  how  carefully 
the  tests  are  given,  for  there  remains  the  possibility  that 
the  particular  tests  used  are  not  well  adapted  to  testing 
the  intelligence  of  the  particular  case  at  hand. 

The  third  consideration  affecting  the  interpretation 


56  BRIGHTNESS  AND  DULLNESS 

of  intelligence  quotients  is  that  standards  are  different 

ch  :  Ind"' '"T,°  n^r^^-    "^'^y  -^^  -itiyractsoc 

o     he"    The  L:      ''"'''"  ''"""  ^^^  ^^-^  ^f  each 
oi  tnese.     1  he  facts  are  very  uiterestinj^  and  of  immense 

"'RacT'cllV'^  understanding  of  social  questi  T 
Th.       !:  """^  ^'^   Differences  in  Intelligence.- 

races  reach  their  maxmn.m  development  of  intellicre„ce 

dX   ;  /°7-7'^Ple-  't  aivears  that  the  alx>riginal  chil- 

'     ce  seve^rT     "'"'f-  ^"^^^'^^^  '""'''^  '^--^^  m  intell  - 
^cnce  several  years  earlier  than  do  white  children  i" 

.ence.     It  may  l.e  that  there  are  no  racial  differences  in 
t>pe.  so  far  as  general  intelligence  itself  is  concerned 
But  we  can  measure  intelligence  only  tlirough  the  perform^ 
ances  ,„  which  it  is  manifested;  and  it  is  c^^rtain'hafdi  . 
rent  races  manifest  their  intelligence  in  different  wa^  . 

th  f    rL""^  '^Z  ''^"^"'  'y^'^'  ''  intelligence,  o; 
rather,  if  they  show  their  intelligence  in  different  ways 

In  America,  where  the  race  problem  h  acute  the  dif- 

erence    etween  white  and  colored  children  is  an    „  er- 

>      i;.;ih  T'-      "  'V, '-■-'S^'-"  conduced  in  Coh,  n- 

expect,  the  majority  of  wlnte  children  tested  "at  aee  " 

]2^rgest  m,mlx.r  of  colored  children,  on  the  other 

XX,  1913.  pp.  485-513  intelligence.      Pedagogical  Scninary.  vol. 


RACE,  CLASS  AND  SEX  DIFFERENCES        57 

hcuul,  tested  one  year  beluw  age.  It  follows,  then,  that 
It  we  take  tests  that  have  been  standardized  for  white  chil- 
dren and  apply  them  to  colored  children  the  latter  will  not 
do  as  well  as  the  white  children.  If  we  use  such  tests  in 
the  diagnosis  of  brightness,  we  obtain  a  very  much  larger 
percentage  of  feeble-mindedness  for  the  colored  popula- 
tion than  for  the  white.  Some  people,  no  doubt,  would 
find  no  objection  to  this  result ;  and.  in  itsel  f .  it  is  extremely 
valuable  information.  Yet,  whatever  we  may  think  of  the 
relative  intelligence  of  the  negro  and  the  white  man,  in 
diagnosing  the  case  of  an  individual  negro,  it  hat-dly 
seems  i)roper  to  call  him  dull  if,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  he 
is  a  normal  negro. 

Fully  as  important  as  race  dififerences  are  those  due 
to  social  status.  It  has  been  well  established  that,  on 
the  average,  children  of  the  "  lower  "  classes— the  labor- 
nig  classes— the  wage  earners  and  the  men  of  small  busi- 
ness—have a  lower  mental  age  than  children  of  the 
"  higher  "  classes— the  professional  classes,  and  the  suc- 
cessful business  men.  always  providing  that  the  chrono- 
logical ages  are  the  same. 

One  interesting  study  of  this  highly  important  matter 
was  conducted  by  the  school  teachers  of  Breslau,  Ger- 
many. This  city  maintained  two  elementary  public 
schools,  one  called  the  Vorschule  and  the  other  the  Volk- 
schule.  The  Vorschule  was  attended  by  children  of  the 
higher  social  classes,  whereas  the  Volkschule  was  made  up 
of  children  of  the  lalwring  and  lower  business  classes. 
Children  could  enter  the  g}'mnasium,  with  its  nine-year 
curriculum  preparing  for  the  University,  after  three  years 
of  preparation  in  the  Vorschule,  but  only  after  four  years 
m  the  Volkschule.  Now,  upon  the  demand  for  a  common 
-••-::„-„•:  i-,;i   a;-,  Liabocs  CO  i cpictcc  tue  V orschuic  and  the 


S8 


BRKllITNESS  AND  DULLNESS 


Volkschule.  an  investigation  was  nmde  of  the  intelligence 
o  ch.Idren  ,n  the  two  schools  by  means  of  a  revision  of 
he  Linet  scale.  It  was  found  that  the  children  of  the 
select  Vorschule  did  much  Ix^tter  than  those  o;  the  Volk- 
schule, n,ne-year-old  boys  in  the  former  attaining  the 
average  of  ten-year-old  lx)ys  in  the  latter  ^^ 

In  the  Im-ted  States,  the  situation  is  similar  to  that 
HI  Breslau.  For  example,  in  Cambridge.  Massachusetts  a 
comparison  was  made  of  children  in  the  kindergarten  an.l 
first  grade  of  two  schools,  one  of  whicb  was  located  in  a 
good  neighl>orhood  and  the  other  h  one  of  the  poorer 
sections  of  the  cny.  Six-year-old  children  from  the  good 
.  eighborhood  were  found  to  do  better  than  seven-year-o  d 
children  from  the  poorer  onc^^  ^ 

Another  investigation  consisting  of  a  study  of  the 
brightness  of  children  according  to  the  occupation  of  their 
lathers  was  made  in  Columbus,  Ohio.'*  The  results 
obtained  are  summarized  in  the  accompanying  table 

Un  the  whole,  the  data  at  hand  indicate  that  the  dif- 
ference in  brightness  between  children  of  the  lower  and 
upper  classes  is  marked.  The  difference  increases  with 
he  age  of  the  children,  until  at  the  age  of  fourteen  the 
children  of  the  superior  classes  are  about  one  vear  of 
mental  age  in  advance,  and  those  of  the  inferior' classes 
about  one  year  of  mental  age  l^ehind,  the  aveiage.'-' 

viii.  1914,  pp.  102-120  ^    ^       -^ngewandte  Psychologic,  vol. 

isee  Terman     The  Measurement  of  Intelligence."  p.  72. 


1 


RACE.  CLASS  AND  SEX  DIFFERENCES 

Mental  Age  of  Children  According  to  Social  Status  of 

Parents 


59 


Social  status 


Profes-sional :  Profess- 
ors, doctors,  law- 
yers, editors 

Salesmen:  Including 
insurance  and  real 
estate 

Proprietors:  Also 
managers,  officers 
and  contractors .  . .  . 

Clerical  workers: 
Clerks,  bo<  .kkeep- 
ers,  accountants, 
cashiers 

Skilled  laborers: 
Mechanics,  metal 
Workers,  building 
trades 

Unskilled  laborers.  .  .  . 

Teamsters 


Ko. 
chil- 
dren 
tested 


39 


34 


17 


63 
6o 

i8 


Chronological 


7  yrs.    3  mos. 


7  yrs.    6  mos. 


7  yrs.  lo  mos. 


7  yrs.  ID  mos. 


Mental  age 


Inttlli- 

gence 

quotient 


8  yrs. 
8  yrs. 
7  yrs. 


o  mos. 

o  mos. 

lo  mos. 


9  yrs.    8  mos. 


9  yrs.    2  nius. 


9  yrs.     I  mo. 


9  yrs.     I  mo. 


7  yrs. 
7  yrs. 
7  yrs. 


ID  mos. 
I  mos. 
o  mos. 


1-33 


1.22 


I.l6 


I.I6 


•98 
•89 

.89 


Similar  conclusions  have  been  reached  regarding  the 
school  success  of  children.  One  study,  made  in  Pitts- 
burgh, finds  that  fifty  per  cent,  of  the  children  who  are 
well  advanced  in  their  school  work  come  from  homes 
which  have  telephones,  and  that  only  nineteen  per  cent,  of 
those  who  are  below  grade  come  from  such  homes. '<*  If 
we  can  consider  a  home's  possession  of  a  telephone  of 
any  value  as  an  index  of  its  economical  standing,  clearly 
those  cliildren  coming  from  the  homes  financially  com- 
fortable do  better  in  school  than  those  from  poor  homes. 
This  finding  agrees  perfectly  with  the  fact  that  children 
^rom  l)etter  homes  have  a  higher  level  of  intelligence. 

tell,vl^r^/';i''/'Tr'  "The  Economic  Standing  of  Parents  and  the  In"- 
!.nt"?„°oLI''!':-9!''^''^"-      ■^^•"•"^^  «/  Educational  Psycholoav. 


6o 


BRIGHTXESS  AND  DULLNESS 


besides  a  chikl-s  race  and  social  class,  ue  have  to  take 
t>I>e  of  intelligence  I^etueen  I>oys  and  girls.     The  boys 

,r";  '°  "r'  '"  r  ""'  '"'^-^  ''^"^'  ^''^'  '^'^'^^  i"  others.    The 
latest  studies  indicate,  moreover,  that  girls  are  slightlv 

earliest   up  to  fourteen.     The  diflference  is  slight    and 
arnounts.  at  most  ages,  to  not  more  than  three'or' f^ur 

motiW      fV         '^"  f.^"  "^   ^'''''''''''   '^''  intelligence 
quotient  of   fx,ys  standing  at  the  middle  of  their  a^a- 

group  ,s  usually  about  ninety-seven  or  ninety-eiHit  per 
cent.,  whereas  that  of  giVls  at  the  ..^dle  of  their  Ig 
g:roup  ,s  one  or  two  over  one  hundred  per  cent '' 
anoZJTff  ""^  ''"  '^''''  complications,   the  intelligence 

ned mm  for  he  expression  of  a  child's  brightness  It 
should  never  be  regarded  as  a  nnthematicall/exac  diai 
nosis  of  mentality.  It  is  but  one  item,  and  needs  care'ul 
interpretation,  not  only  in  the  light  of  the  child's  4 
social  class,  and  sex.  but  also  in  the  light  of  his  physS 
condition  and  his  entire  past  history  ^^ 


'"Terman,  op.  cit.,  pp.  O2S3. 


CHAPTER  IV 


RRAINS 

The  Relation  of  Mind  to  Body.— One  of  the  striking 
tcatures  of  modern  psychology  is  the  attention  given  to 
the  relation  of  intelligence  to  the  bodily  organism.     An 
extremely  close  connection  has  been  found  Ix^tween  the 
activity  of  the  body  and  that  of  the  mind.     This  connec- 
tion is  due  primarily  to  the  inseparable  association  of 
the  mind  with  that  part  of  the  body,  enclosed  within  the 
upper  portion  of  the  skull,  known  as  the  brain,  or  cere- 
brum.   The  brain  is  connected  with  the  rest  of  the  body 
through  the  nervous  system,  of  which  it  is  a  part,  and 
through  the  circulation  of  the  blood.    Intelligence  is  con- 
nected with  the  body  as  a  whole,  but  solely  through  tlie 
agency  of  the  brain,  so  that  the  most  fundamental  of  the 
relations  of  intelligence  to  the  body  is  its  relation  to  the 
bram.     This  relation  is  discussed  in  the  present  chap- 
ter.    The  relation  of  intelligence  to  other  bodily   fea- 
tures and  to  general  physical  development  will  be  discussed 
in  the  two  following  chapters. 

It  is  a  well-established  fact  that  all  mental  processes 
are  dependent  upon  accompan>ing  brain  processes.  No 
mental  process  can  occur  without  a  corresponding  brain 
process;  no  sensation  can  be  felt,  no  object  can  be  per- 
ceived or  remembered,  and  no  problem  solved  through  the 
aid  of  judgment  and  reason  except  through  the  function- 
ing of  the  brain.  In  view  of  this  intimate  association  of 
all  mental  processes  with  brain  processes,  we  should  expect 
to  find  a  close  parallel  between  inte.Hio-pnce  and  b''='" 

6l 


63 


BRAINS 


licence  n,av  17?,    r  7        "■"  """"^  "'  ""^  ■'"i"  '°  'ntel- 

The  stadiA  •"    ,  ""''^  *^'  ^^^  ^«  "°S'  concerned 

the  iT'oTlt"  "^  'l'"'^""'  °f  =>"'■"="'•  =>'  -e  follow 

sence    TWrre^l       u-    ■''*'?  "'  '  'P'='='«  ^nd  its  intelli- 
an     L  ■       '''='"'"=f"P  1=  shown  in  the  increased  weieht 

the   ..vreralT"'?''^  °'  *-"-  of  *e  ^ 
needs  be  tv      Th   r    "^r'T^  ''"'"  ''■"<^^^''  ""k 
onlyina^olw'v  atr  r  't'"'  '"  •^•"^"'V-nce,  h„t 
for  a  numh^r  of  faL       ™i^  '''*''  corrections  are  made 

of  fat,  a„tL"'ofX"I-rn"  """^  "•^■•^^•'  ''^°''°"'™ 
Stud,es  of  the  microscopic  structure  of  the  brain  deal 


EVOLUTION  OF  ANIMAL  INTELLIGENCE     63 

mainly  with  the  structure  of  its  outer  shell.     This  shell 
called  the  cerebral  cortex,  is  known  to  be  the  part  of  the 
brain,  or  cerebrum,  most  intimately  associated  with  the 
operations  of  the  mind.  It  contains  millions  of  nerve  cells 
called  neurones.     Each  of  these  neurones  has  a  large 
cell  body  from  which  extend  a  numljer  of  branches  or 
fibres,  which  connect  the  cells  with  each  other  and  with 
other  parts  of  the  ner^-ous  system.     The  neurones  are 
arranged  in  several  moie  or  less  distinct  cortical  layers 
of  which  the  thickest  are  the  pyramidal  layers,  so  called 
l)ecause  they  contain  cell  bodies  which  are  shaped  like 
pyramids,  with  their  apex  pointing  towards  the  brain's 
surface.    There  is  considerable  evidence  that  these  pyra- 
midal layers  are  the  ones  which  are  most  closely  con- 
nected  with  the  higher  mental  processes.     Besides  the 
pyramidal  cells,  there  are  n      erous  other  types,  most  of 
which  are  shown  in  Fig.  3. 

Ascending  the  scale  of  vertebrate.,  an  investigator 
finds  a  number  of  very  decided  changes  in  the  cerebral 
cortex.  There  is  an  increase  in  the  number  of  distinguish- 
able layers  of  neurones  and  an  increase  in  their  thickness. 
At  the  same  time  there  is  an  improvement  in  the  structure 
of  the  individual  neurones.  The  cell  bodies  of  the  neu- 
rones acquire  a  more  finished  appearance  and  show  a 
marked  increase  in  the  number  and  length  of  the  fibres 
branching  from  them.^ 

The  diflferences  in  the  cortex  betvveen  the  lower  and 
the  higher  animals  are  most  decided  in  the  case  of  the 
pyramidal  layer.  The  increase  in  thickness  is  far  greater 
in  this  layer  than  in  the  others.  This  layer  in  the  dog 
is  one-half  as  thick  as  in  the  monkey,  and  in  the  monkey 

p  706^^'"°"  ^  ^^^*''  ^^^^  Scientifique.  4th  series,  vol.  iv,  1895, 


^'difdrer^'^rTn^^Z^^^!^;  "[  the  cortical  layers  and  of 

-Atlas  of  \en?e  Ceiis  "  ,«o6  n  7^    ^  r  ^'r',"«  ''""^  Learning, 

sn.a)!pyrann.,alceil"VSve^f^aief;^i;;£'ilfe'/^        'T^  ^ 
I .  wlnte  iTiattcr  made  up  of-connecliS'filS  '       '  """P  '^y^'"' 


EVOLUTION  OP  ANIMAL  INTELLIGENCE     65 

it  is  tliree-fourths  as  tJiick  as  in  the  human  being.    "  As 

117 r.u^^^^'"''^''^''  ^"'^  ^^^^°"'  "tl^^  pyramidal 
ayer  of  the  clog  may  be  compared  with  that  of  a  still- 

^r^J^T\u''i  "^'^^y'^^^^  l^yer  of  the  rhesus 
(monkey)  with  that  of  an  imbecile."  2  He  claims  that 
very  stnkmg  diflFerences  between  man  and  thelir^b 
exisi  tn  the  pyramidal  layer  of  the  anterior  portion  of 
the  cortex  known  as  the  frontal  lobes 

frnJ^l  Py'^'t^^  }^y^'  of  the  higher  animals  differs 
from  that  of  the  lower  ones,  not  only  in  its  greater 
hickness  and  the  greater  nimiber  of  its  component  cells, 
but  also  far  more  than  does  any  other  layer,  by  the 
degree  o    development  of  its  cells.     Developm;nt  of  a 

ofThe''    ,'^.'''  ^°i^°r^  ""^  *^^  '^-^^--^^^-  the  size 
of  the  cell  body,  and  change  in  its  shape  and  texture 
and  also  m  the  number  and  length  of  its  fibres.    Great 
variation  exists  in  the  degree  of  development  of  the  pyra- 
midal cells  in  different  species.  In  lower  species    the 

inlhl'^nV  "^T  r"'  '■'  ^'^  rudimentary,  and  even 
in  the  adult  brain  of  these  species  they  show  little  change 
trom  their  primitive  embryonic  condition 

That  the  degree  of  development  of  the  individual 
cells  IS  as  important  as  the  thickness  of  a  cortical  layer 
IS  vv^ll  Illustrated  in  the  guinea-pig.  The  guinea-pig's 
intelligence  IS  of  a  low  order;  yet  the  animal  possesses  a 
pyramidal  layer  of  considerable  thickness.  According 
to  the  observations  of  Watson,  however,  the  cells  of 
this  layer  in  the  adult  are  advanced  but  little  beyond 
their  condition  in  the  new-lx.rn  animal,  and  development 
'n_most  cases  is  so  incomplete  that  it  is  difficult  to  credit 


66 


BRAINS 


them  with  much  functional  value.  This  similarity  between 
the  pyramidal  layer  of  the  adult  and  the  new-bom  animal 
writes  Watson,  "  affords  a  ready  explanation  of  Miss 
Allan  s  observation  that  there  is  in  the  case  of  the  guinea- 
pig  no  mcrease  in  complexity  of  psychological  processes 
after  the  third  day  of  life.  It  also  affords  a  striking 
example  of  the  fact  that  actual  depth  alone  of  a  cortical 
layer  is  not  to  be  altogether  relied  upon,  when  endeavoring 
to  compute  the  functional  significance  of  such  a  layer."  ^ 
_  Thus,  from  the  study  of  the  weight  as  well  as  the 
microscopic  structure  of  the  brain,  it  is  evident  that  the 
intelligence  of  an  animal  species  depends  upon  its  brain 
development.  The  higher  animals  have  a  greater  relative 
bram  weight  and  a  better  developed  cortex.  The  cortical 
layers,  particularly  the  pyramidal,  are  thicker  and  contain 
more  numerous  and  better  developed  cells. 

The  Development  of  the  Brain  in  Children.— It  has 
long  been  established  that  the  stages  in  tae  development 
of  a  human  being  run  roughly  parallel  to  those  in  the 
evolution  of  animal  species.  Consequently,  we  should 
expect  to  find  that  changes  occur,  in  the  brain  of  an  indi- 
vidual human  being  as  he  develops  into  an  adult,  similar 
to  those  met  with  in  passing  from  the  lower  animals  to 
the  higher  ones.  This  expectation,  w?  shall  find,  is 
entirely  justified. 

As  regards  the  changes  in  the  brain  which  occur  with 
the  growth  of  the  human  child,  we  have  to  consider  again 
lx)th  brain  weight  and  microscopic  structure.  European 
cases  furnish  the  most  reliable  and  extensive  data  on 
mcrease  in  brain  w-eight.    Dr.  Richard  Scammon.  profes- 

' "  The  Mammalian  Cerebral  Cortex,  with  Special  Reference  to 
Its  Comparat.ve  H.stology."  Archives  of  Xeurolo.y.  vol!  iii,  1907. 
pp.  49-1 1^.  ^^" 


BRAIN  DEVELOPMENT  IN  CHILDREN        67 

sor  of  anatomy  in  the  University  of  Minnesota  has 
recently  gone  over  all  the  existing  data  with  great  care 
On  the  basis  of  all  reliable  material,  excluding  cases  of 
disease  known  directly  to  affect  brain  weight,  he  has  con- 
structed a  curve  of  brain  growth  which  is  probably  the 
most  accurate  ever  drawn.  This  curve,  as  yet  unpul>- 
hshed.  he  has  very  kindly  furnished  me,  and  it  appears 
in  figure  No.  4.  The  irregularities  in  the  curve  at  the 
higher  ages  m  a",  probability  have  no  significance.  They 
are  due  simply  1  an  insufficient  number  of  cases  and  the 
fact  that  the  weights  for  different  ages  are  necessarily 
those  of  the  brains  of  different  children. 

The  curves  of  growth  in  brain  weight  show  some 
points  of  very  great  interest.     The  most  striking  thin^ 
alxDut  the  growtli  of  the  brain  is  the  very  early  age  at 
which  the  greater  part  of  it  is  completed.    Even  at  birdi 
the  brain  is  relatively  large.    It  has  already  attained  the 
tourth  part  of  its  final  weight,  whereas  most  of  the  organs 
of  the  body  at  birth  have  only  the  tenth  to  the  fourteenth 
part  of  their  ultimate  weight.     During  the  first  year  of 
lite,  the  brain  grows  much  more  rapidly  than  at  any  later 
time  and  increases  two  and  one-half  times  in  weight 
During  the  next  few  years,  it  continues  to  grow  at  a 
reduced  but  still  rapid  rate,  until  by  the  middle  of  the 
pftfi  year,  it  has  readied  over  ninety  per  cent,  of  its  final 
z^rtght.    After  the  age  of  five  there  is  only  a  very  small 
increase,  which  takes  place  very  slowly,  and  which  is 
completed  at  the  age  of  fifteen.    According  to  Scammon, 
there  is  probably  no  increase  in  brain  weight  after  fifteen 
years,  and  in  some  cases  the  entire  adult  brain  weight  is 
acquired  by  the  seventh  year.    A  period  of  increased  brain 


growth  at  puberty  has  been  de 


1 


ocaiiiiiiuivs 


V 


68 


BRAINS 


examination  of  practically  all  the  published  data  on  brain 
weights  ni  children  fails  to  confirm  this  observation. 


'      ^      *     -i-/Li*Y    ^      '°      "     'i^      13     14     15     IS 
Age  mYeare — v 

Fig.  4-— The  growth  of  the  brain  in  weight  (by  kindness  of  Dr 

A  feature  of  the  cerebrum  of  children  which  is  quite 
distmctive  in  the  relatively  poor  development  of  the 


BRAIN  DEVELOPMENT  IN  CHILDREN        69 

frontal  lobes.  In  the  new-born  child  these  lobes  are 
comparatively  inconspicuous,  and  consequently  have  a 
greater  growth  to  accomplish  after  birth  than  have  the 
other  parts  of  the  cerebrum.* 

The  fact  that  the  brain  completes  such  a  large  propor- 
tion of  its  total  growth  during  the  first  few  years  of  life 
explains  why  it  is  that  feeble-mindedness  always  appears, 
if  at  all,  at  a  ver>'  early  age.  Although  most  feeble- 
minded children  are  born  so,  it  is  known  that  a  consider- 
able percentage  become  feeble-minded  after  birth.  But 
it  is  a  remarkable  fact  that  no  child  ever  becomes  feeble- 
minded after  the  age  of  four  of  five,  the  age  at  which  the 
brain  reaches  almost  its  full  weight.  Now  if  the  brain  of 
a  child  who  is  not  born  feeble-minded  is  well  nourished 
during  the  first  four  or  five  years,  by  tliat  time  it  will 
have  completed  most  of  its  growth.  At  that  age,  then,  he 
is  comparatively  safe,  for  his  brain  will  already  have 
developed  into  whatever  is  in  keeping  with  the  potentiali- 
ties present  at  birth. 

It  cannot  be  too  strongly  emphasized  that  the  really 
critical  years  of  a  child's  life  are  the  years  before  he  enters 
school.  The  age  of  puberty  is  often  spoken  of  as  a  critical 
period,  and  no  doubt  it  is;  but  it  is  incomparably  less 
critical  than  the  first  few  years  of  life.  There  is  strong 
evidence  indicating  that  the  level  of  brightness  of  a  child 
is  determined  during  these  years,  whether  he  be  dull  or 
normal.  This  is  indicated  by  a  tendency  on  the  part  of 
intelligence  quotients  to  remain  constant  after  the  age  of 
five,  or  earlier.  As  long  as  an  intelligence  quotient 
remains  constant,  the  brightness  of  the  child  is  not 
changed,  for,  as  the  preceding  chapter  explained,  bright- 

*  Pflaunder  and   Schlossmann,  "  The  Diseases  of  Children,"  2d 


I 


70 


BRAINS 


ness  IS  measured  by  the  intelligence  quotient.  Now  the 
constancy  ot  intelligence  quotients  may  be  far  from  per- 
tect;  but  It  IS  great  enough  to  indicate  that  the  brightness 
of  cnldren.  m  the  great  majority  of  cases,  is  substantially 
hxed  before  they  ever  enter  school.  Brightness  then 
appears  to  depend  solely  upon  heredity  and  the  proper 
completion  ot  those  brain  changes  which  are  reflected  in 
growth  in  brain  weight;  and  these  brain  changes,  as 
Ur.  bcammon's  curve  shows,  are  practically  completed  bv 
the  age  of  five. 

Further  relations  between  brain  weight  and  intelli- 
gence come  to  light  if  we  compare  their  growth  cun^es 
Curves  ot  growth  in  intelligence,  showing  the  increase  in 
mtelhgence  with  chronological  age,  are  given  in  the  pre- 
cedmg  chapten-^     The  growth  curves  for  intelligence  and 
I  Tarn  weight  agree  in  showing  a  much  more  rapid  rise  in 
the  hrst  few  years  than  in  the  later  years.    They  agree  also 
m  that  lx)th  Ijecome  practically  level  at  about  the  age  of 
tourteen  or  fifteen.  The  intelligence  curve,  however?  dif- 
ters  from  the  brain  curve  in  that  it  continues  to  rise 
considerably,  long  after  the  brain  curve  has  become  prac- 
tically level.     There  are  two  possible  explanations  for 
this  difference.     One  is  that  in  reality  the  two  curves 
should  correspond,   but  that  they  do  not  because  our 
methods  of  measuring  intelligence  are  so  largely  influenced 
by  learning.    From  this  point  of  view,  it  might  be  alleged 
that  what  we  chart  beyond  the  age  of  five  as  a  growth  in 
mtelhgence  is  merely  the  effect  of  practice  and  experi-  nee 
m  increasing  the  success  achieved  with  an  intelligence 
already  fixed,  at  least  in  regard  to  nine-tenths  of  its  final 
value.     The  other  explanation  is  that  the  growth  shown 
by  the  intelligence  curve  in  the^later  years  of  childhood 
*  See  page  48.  ■-■  — — 


BR^\IN  DEVELOPMENT  IN  CHILDREN        71 

has  its  brain  counterpart  in  certain  microscopic  changes  in 
the  cortex  which  are  not  reflected  in  brain  weight     Here 
however,  vve  would  have  to  distinguish  carefully  'between 
he  bram  changes  corresponding  to  learning,  which  con- 
tinue at  a  good  rate  throughout  life,  and  those  corre- 
sponding to  growth  of  intelligence,  which  certainly  come 
very  nearly  to  a  stop  at  an  age  not  much  bevond  fourteen 
Between  these  two  explanations  it  is  not  now  possible  to 
decide  with  certainty;  but  in  all  probability  the  latter  is 
nearer  the  truth. 

We  may  now  turn  to  the  microscopic  structure  of  the 
brain  and  consider  the  changes  it  shows  as  the  child  grows 
older  and  more  intelligent.    Studies  in  human  embryology 
indicate  that  after  the  third  or  fourth  month  of  fcetal  life 
the  number  of  cells  in  the  cerebral  cortex  does  not  increase' 
1  heir  number,  then,  is  determined  well  I^fore  birth      It 
follows  that  the  growth  changes  shown  by  the  microscope 
consist  chiefly  either  in  increase  in  the  size,  and  change 
in  shape  and  texture  of  the  cell-todies,  or  in  the  numtor 
and  structure  of  the  fibres.    The  cell-bodies  at  birth  are 
denser  and  smaller  and  lack  somewhat  the  profuseness  of 
fibres  characteristic  of  the  adult  cortex.     They  are  also 
lacking  in  a  certain  pigment  which  thev  later  acquire 
Many  of  them,  particularly  the  pyramidal  cells,   have 
not  yet  attained  their  characteristic  shape.     Thev  aoi^ear 
embryonic  and  imperfectly  formed. 

As  the  child  grows  older,  the  cortical  nerve  fibres 
acquire  an  enveloping  sheath.  The  significance  of  this 
sheathing  process,  however,  is  not  well  understood  It 
IS  ^^upposed  to  aid  in  the  conduction  of  the  nervous  impulse 
along  the  fibres.  Ihe  aquisition  of  sheaths  on  the  part  of 
the^cortical^ fibres  cominues  through  middle  life  accord- 
-:i,v  r.  piciDaoiy  ua^  iittie  to  do  with  the  determination  of 


7a 


BRAINS 


the  individual's  brightness  or  the  fundamciUal  powers  of 
his  mind.  It  appears  rather  to  \)c  correlated  wit):  the 
learning  and  kno ..ledge  that  come  with  experience. 

Though  very  few  systematic  studies  have  been  made 
of  the  changes  in  the  cell  structure  of  the  corte.x  that 
occur  with  increase  in  age.  it  has  l^een  established  that 
the  most  significant  development  is  that  which  occurs  i- 
the  pyramidal  layer.  The  cortical  layers  lying  lx;low  th.- 
pyramidal  complete  their  development  vcr}'  early.  In  the 
six  months'  fcctus  they  are  as  thick  as  at  birth  and  very 
nearly  as  thick  as  in  the  adult.  The  pyramidal  layers, 
on  the  other  hand,  arc  only  (^le-half  as  thick  in  the  six 
months'  fa?tus  as  at  birth  and  only  one-third  as  thick  as  in 
the  adult.  It  is  in  the  thickness  of  the  pyramidal  layers 
that  the  cortex  of  man  differs  most  from  that  of  the  lower 
animals;  and  it  is  here  that  we  find  the  greatest  difference 
between  the  cortex  of  the  new-lx5rn  infant  and  tlic  adult. 

The  fact  that  the  pyramidal  layers,  which  are  so  poorly 

developed  in  the  new-born  child  and  in  the  lower  animals, 

are  the  ones  which  are  the  slowest  to  reach  matur '    in  the 

human  being,  is  regarded  as  evidence  that  these  layers 

are   the  ones  most  closely  associated  with  intelligence. 

The  pyramidal  layer,  to  quote  from  Watson,  "  subserves 

the  higher  associations,  the  capacity  for  which  is  shown  in 

the  educability  of  the  animal.    It  has  therefore  to  do  with 

all  those  activities  which  it  is  obvious  that  the  animal  has 

acquired  or  perfected  by  individual  experience,  and  with 

all  the  possible  modifications  of  behavior  which  may  arise 

in  relation  to  some  novel  situation,  hence  with  what  is 

usually  descriljed  as  indicating  intelligent  as  apart  from 

instinctive  acts."  " 

' "  The  Mammalian  Cerebral  Cortex,  with  Special  Reference  to 
Tts  Histology.  I.  Order  Inscctivora."  Archives  of  Neurology,  vol. 
iii.  IQ07.  o.  no. 


BRAIN  AND  INTELLIGENCE  IN  ADULTS      73 

The  Relation  of  the  Brain  to  Differences  in  Intelli- 
gence in  Adults.— In  confirmation  of  the  results  obtained 
by  the  study  of  animals  and  of  the  growing  child  are 
those  obtained  from  the  comparison  of  persons  of  dififer- 
ent  degrees  of  brightness.  The  brains  of  lower  and  higher 
animals,  as  we  have  seen,  difTer  as  regards  cerfiin  features 
of  their  brains  in  the  same  manni  r  as  <  younger  and 
older  children.  Now  if  these  features  really  ar'e  those 
which  correspond  to  intelligence,  then  wc  should  find  a 
marked  difTcrcnce  in  these  same  features  upon  com- 
paring the  brains  of  persons  of  widely  different  levels 
of  intelligence. 

Brain  weights  of  adults  have  \xen  determined  both 
for  normal  individuals  and  f^r  men  of  great  eminence. 
The  normal  male  brain  has  a  w  eight  averaging  something 
over  1360  grams.     The  .-xtrcme  range,   if  we  exclude 
idiots,  is  probably  l^ctween  1000  and  2000  grams  w.th 
the  majority  of  cases   falling  bet\  een    1300  and   1500 
grams.    The  weight  of  the  female  brain  is  about  10  per 
cent,  less  than  that  of  the  male.     However,  when  the 
weight  of  the  female  brain  is  taken  in  proportion  to  physi- 
cal development,  as  shown  by  the  weight  of  the  body 
and  the  skeleton,  it  is  greater  than  that  of  the  male.    Thus 
neither  sex  can  claim  preeminence  from  the  point  of  view 
of  cerebral  development.     The  relation  of  brain  weight 
to  physical  development  in  the  female  is  somewhat  like 
that  in  an  undersized  male;  for  in  either  sex,  the  smaller 
the  stature,  the  greater  is  the  relative  brain  weight. 

A  comparison  of  the  brain  weights  of  normal  men 
with  those  of  eminently  able  men  is  not  un  'iteresting. 
A  number  of  great  men  have  realized  the  value  to  science 
of  post-mortem  examination  of  their  brains  and  have 
I — c...i.  .j,sc--i.v.i  iiiai  Liicii  uiaario  lh;  rnaae  avaiiaoic  ior 


74  BRAINS 

study.  The  brain  weights  of  over  one  hundred  of  these 
men  have  been  determined.  They  range  from  alxnit  1200 
to  2000  grams,  thus  overlapping  the  range  of  brain  weights 
of  or(hnary  men.  On  the  average,  however,  thev  weigh 
about  1470  grams ; '  that  is.  over  one  hundred  grams  more 
than  the  average  of  ordinary  individuals.  The  brain- 
weights  of  some  of  the  well-known  men  is  given  in  the 
following  list : 

Cuvier.  naturalist  ^^/o'"' 

Thackeray,   novelist    \f^2 

Spurzheim   anatomist  and  phrenologist'  '.■.'.".■.■ i  rrn 

Daniel  Webster,  statesman   I^V^ 

Agassiz,  naturalist   ,^', 

Grote,  historian  '*^^ 

Bertillon,  anthropologist  .....'.'.'. l^l^ 

Liebig,  chemist J-^f^ 

Gambetta,  statesman    .'.'.'.' !,^f 

The  brains  of  exceptionally  intelligent  men  tend  to 
average  greater  in  weight  than  those  of  ordinary  men 
and  those  of  the  feeble-minded  average  less.    It  has  been 
observed  that  a  brain  weight  below  about  1000  grams 
IS  seldom  found  with  an  intelligence  above  the  g-ade  of 
feeble-mmdedness.     The  average  brain-weight  of  adult 
idiots  IS  probably  not  over   1200  grams.     It  should  be 
emphasized,  however,  that  a  very  large  and  heavy  brain 
is  not  incompatible  with  idiocy.     Its  size  may  depend 
mainly  upon  an  overgrowth  of  non-nervous  tissue  at  the 
expense  of  the  nerve  cells,  or  it  may  be  due.  as  in  hydro- 
cephalus, to  the  accumulation  of  a  large  amount  of  fluid 
within  the  brain  cavities. 

Although  a  rough  correlation  between  brain-weight 

-^    If'T^""-  "/  Stucly  of  the  Brains  of  Six  Eminent  Scientists" 
yxatwus  of  the  AmcHcaf,  PhUosophical  Society.  iq(^      K  ,]  is 

oTeminent  m'a"'  ^°^^^^^  ^"  P^-'°-  ^'^  -  ^^^  b^n-weigh"! 


BRAIN  AND  INTELLIGENCE  IN  ADULTS      75 

and  intelligence  evidently  exists,  it  is  not  close  enough, 
in  diTfcrcnt  individuals,  to  indicate  that  brain-weight  in 
itself  is  the  imix^rtant  factor.  The  reason  for  this  is 
obvious,  when  we  rememl^r  that  only  two  per  cent,  of 
the  brain  is  composed  of  ner\'ous  tissue.  The  rest  is 
made  up  of  the  cells  of  supporting  tissue,  of  blood- 
vessels, and  of  fluid.  The  real  anatomical  basis  of  intelli- 
gence, without  doubt,  is  found  only  in  the  strictly  nervous 
tissue  of  the  brain  cortex. 

In  the  study  of  the  relation  between  the  microscopic 
structure  of  the  cortex  and  intelligence,  efforts  have  cen- 
tered on  determining  the  difference  between  the  normal 
brain  and  that  of  the  feeble-minded  person.  One  of  the 
earliest  investigations,  as  well  as  one  of  the  most  careful 
and  elaborate,  is  that  of  Hammarl^erg.  This  Swedish 
scientist,  who  died  at  an  early  age  and  before  his  great 
work*  was  published,  made  careful  microscopic  studies 
of  the  brains  of  normal  and  feeble-minded  persons,  con- 
cerning whose  intelligence  during  lite  he  had  fairly 
accurate  data.  His  drawings,  some  of  which  are  repro- 
duced in  figure  No.  5,  show  only  the  cell  bodies,  and  not 
the  cell  fibres.  They  clearly  demonstrate  the  striking 
correspondence  between  mental  deficiency  and  deficiency 
in  the  number  and  size  of  the  cell  bodies. 

The  drawings  represent  for  both  normal  and  feeble- 
minded individuals  the  appearance  of  thin  sections  of  the 
cortex  as  seen  under  the  microscope.  Sections  la,  Ila, 
and  Ilia,  are  from  three  different  localities  in  the  cortex 
of  a  normal  man,  a  merchant,  who  died  from  abdominal 
typhoid  at  the  age  of  twenty-eight.  Beside  each  of  these 
sections  are  sections  of  the  same  localities  from  the  brains 
of  feeble-minded  individuals.     Section  Ih  shows  the  cor- 


r 

1 


.^tuuicii  ubcr  Kiinik  uiid  Fathoiogie  der  Idiotic,"  1895. 


76 


BRAINS 


m 

'ft' 

'A 


lib 


t'"^ 


)^s 


m 


!/ 


'I' 


.'/ 


U 


I 


Ilia 


mi^n''^-'''^^  ""'P,''"-"?"  '^'^  sections  of  the  cortex  of  normal  and  feeble- 

Tlli  yr/""'-  '^y;^'-^,r'"*^'1  "^'^^'  -'^^ll-l-ociies  (after  Hamma  beS- 
la,  Ua.  lUa,  nurnial;  lb,  imbecile;  Ic,  lib,  IlJb,  idiot. 


BRAIN  AND  INTELLIG.^.^CE  IN  ADULTS      77 

tex  of  an  imbecile,  aged  on^        ,    and  ten  months,  and 
Ic  that  of  a  twenty-two-moi        old  idiot,  in  the  same 
cortical  region  as  that  represented  in  section  la.     The  sec- 
tion of  the  imbecile  brain,  Ih,  according  to  Hammarberg, 
resembles  that  of  a  normal  child  during  the  first  year  of 
his  life.    That  of  the  idiot,  Ic,  corresponds  in  development 
to  that  of  a  normal  child  between  the  sfxth  foetal  month 
and  the  beginning  of  the  first  year  of  life.     Sections  Ilh 
and  II Ih  are  taken  from  the  same  localities  of  the  brains 
of  idiots  as  II a  and  Ilia.    Section  lib  is  from  the  same 
brain  as  Ic.     Section  Illb  is  from  the  cortex  of  an  idiot 
who  died  at  the  age  of  fourteen.    The  greatest  portion  of 
this  cortex,  Hammarberg  states,  was  not  more  developed 
than  the  normal  cortex  in  the  last  part  of  embryonic  life. 
It  has  been  noted  by  Bolton  and  others  tnat  the  cells 
of  the   feeble-minded  cortex  are  undeveloped."     Their 
small  size  and  the  great  scarcity  of  their  fibrous  branches 
show  this.    In  the  pyramidal  layer,  the  cells,  though  well 
outlined,  are  lacking  in  angles,  and  so  appear  globular 
and  poorly  formed.     Such  poorly  formed  cells  may  be 
found  in  all  parts  of  the  cerebral  cortex,  but  they  are  most 
frequent  in  the  anterior  part  of  the  frontal  lobe.    Similar 
cells  were  noted  by  Bevan  Lewis  in  the  cortex  of  the  ape. 
Since  the  lack  of  development  of  the  cells  involves  a 
scarcity  of  fibrous  branches,  or  association  fibres,  it  fol- 
lows that  in  the  feeble-minded  cortex  there  is  a  marked 
shrinkage  in  the  bands  of  association  fibres.     Indeed,  it 
is  quite  possible  that  the  scarcity  of  fibres  rather  than  the 
underdevelopment  of  the  cell  bodies  is  the  fundamental 
cause  of  m.pnt.i;  .\eakness.    The  underdevelopment  of  the 
fibres  and  of  the  cell  Iwdy  are.  however,  both  parts  of  the 
•J.  S.   Bolton,  "The  Brain  in  Health  and  Disease."   1014    dd 


78 


BRAINS 


pncral  underdevelopment  of  the  cells  as  a  whole    and 
both  are  most  obvious  in  the  front  part  of  the  brain 
Accordmg  to  Bolton  it  is  only  in  this  frontal  region  that 
the  degree  of  underdevelopment  varies  strictly  in  accord- 
ance with  the  grade  of  feeble-mindedness. 

Bolton  believes  that  differences  in  the  intelligence  of 
normai  mdiv.duals  are  due  to  variation  in  the  same  cortical 
features  as  those  by  which  feeble-mindedness  is  so  clearly 
show-n.        As  a  f^nal  remark."  he  writes.  "  I  would  add 
that  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  this  physical  basis  of 
the  cerebral  functions     .     .     .     exhibits  equally  import- 
ant though  less  extensive  variations  in  the  cases  of  pre- 
sumably normal  individuals;  and  thus  indicates  the  likeli- 
hood of  a  structural  origin  for  individual  differences  in 
mental  endowment."  -     This  opinion  is  unquestionably 
sound.    It  l^eing  established  that  an  underdeveloped  cortex 
IS  the  cause  of  feeble-mindedness.  it  is  safe,  even  in  the 
absence  of  post-mortem  examinations,  to  conclude  that  it 
IS  the  degree  ot  development  of  the  cortex  which  deter- 
mines the  degree  of  intelligence  of  any  individual 
■    .u^u^  ■'''''I  ^^'"^  deficiencies  revealed  by  the  microscope 
in  the  brains  of  the  feeble-minded,  there  often  exist  gross 
defects  of  structure  of  such  a  severe  and  extensive  nature 
as  to  be  obvious  to  the  naked  eye.     Important  structures 
may  be  entirely  absent.    There  may  exist  great  divergen- 
cies from  the  normal  configuration  of  the  cortical  folds 
or  convolutions  .:nd  the  fissures  between  them.    The  con- 
volutions are  likely  to  be  fewer  in  number  and  less  com- 
plex, so  that  the  brain  presents  a  simpler  and  smoother 
appearance.     Often  the  cortex  is  reduced  in  thickness 
C.reat  bands  of  association  fibres  running  beneath  the 
cortex  may  1>€  cnti,  ely  absent.     I  once  sectioned  an  idiot's 
"  Op.  a't.,  p.  QQ.  '  ~ 


BRAINS  AND  INTELLIGENCE  IN  ADULTS     79 

brain  in  which  the  great  band  of  association  fibres  con- 
necting the  two  cerebral  hemispheres  was  ahnost  entirely 
absent.  The  cortex  itself  was  very  much  thinner  than 
in  the  normal  brain.  In  the  small  headed  cases,  called 
microcephalic,  such  as  are  sometimes  exhibited  in  "  side- 
shows "  as  the  "  last  of  the  Aztecs,"  the  brain  cortex  is 
greatly  reduced  in  area.  These  specimens,  as  a  rule,  show 
a  narrow,  rapidly  receding  forehead  which  corresponds 
to  the  underdevelopment  of  the  temporal  and  frontal  lobes. 
In  the  back  part  of  their  brains,  however,  ta:  insufficiency 
in  the  amount  of  cerebral  cortex  is  still  m    e  i.jticeable. 

Although  these  gross  malformations  of  the  brain  are 
frequently  associated  with  the  more  serious  degrees  of 
mental  deficiency,  they  are  not  so  important  as  the  defects 
that  can  be  seen  only  by  the  aid  of  the  microscope,  and 
they  should  not  be  regarded  .  the  essential  basis  of 
imperfect  mental  development.  There  are  many  instances 
on  record  in  which  just  such  gross  malformations  have 
existed  in  individuals  whose  mental  condition  was  appar- 
ently normal."  It  is  now  established  Ixyond  all  doubt 
that  the  really  essential  Ixisis  of  defective  mentality  is 
defective  development  of  the  cerebral  neurones.  "  What- 
ever may  be  the  relation  of  mind  to  brain,"  writes  1>ed- 
gold,  "it  is  now  fully  recognized  that  the  manifestation 
of  mental  activity  is  indissolubly  connected  with  the  cells 
of  the  cerebral  cortex.  Mind  develops  pari  passu  with 
their  growth,  and  fails  with  their  decay.  Dementia  is 
coincident  with  their  degeneration  and  death,  and 
amentia  (feeble-mindedness)  is  associated  with  their 
incomplete  development."    ^ 

Summing  up,  then,  the  salient  points  concerning  the 

"See  TredRold,  "Mental  Deficiency,"  2d  ed.   p   7.1 
Op.  at.,  p.  7j. 


8o 


BRAINS 


relationship  between  brain  development  and  intelligence, 
through  the  evolution  of  the  lower  animals  and  the  growth 
of  the  human  being,  we  find  Nature  utilizing  throughout 
the  same  fundamental  principles.  Thus,  in  all  strata 
of  development,  the  correspondence  depends  to  some 
extent  upon  brain-weight,  but  mainly  upon  the  complexity 
of  structure  displayed  by  the  cerebral  cortex.  In  animals 
and  people,  advancement  in  intelligence  is  accompanied 
by  increased  number  and  improved  size  and  structure  of 
the  pyramidal  cells,  wnth  richness  of  connecting  fibres. 
The  chief  fact  to  be  carried  from  this  part  of  the  discus- 
sion to  the  perusal  of  succeeding  chapters,  is  that  the  men- 
tality of  a  child  is  based,  primarily,  upon  the  development 
of  his  cerebral  neurones. 


CHAPTER  V 


PHYSICAL  DEFECTS 

The  Relation  of  Physical  Defects    o  In  elligence.— 
I   have  discussed   the   relation  of  intelligence  to   brain 
development  somewhat  in   detail   because   it   is    funda- 
mental.   But  the  development  '^f  tae  brain  does  not  occur 
indei>endently  of  the  rest  oi   the  physi  al  ^eing.     The 
brain,  like  all  parts  of  the  body,  is  dependent   for  its 
nutrition  upon  the  food  \  e  eat  anu  the  ur  we  breathe,  and 
so  is  dependent  upon  the  processes  of  digestion  and  of 
respiration.     And  for  die  nervous  currents  which  stimu- 
late it  to  action,  the  brain  is  dependent  upon  the  sense 
organs  and  the  nerves  which  connect  it  with  them.     In 
turn,  the  bra'"n  exerts  a  far-reaching  control  over  the  body. 
It  controls  the  movement  of  the  muscles  in  the  execution 
of  acts,  and  it  exerts  a  powerful  influence  over  ma:  ;y  of  the 
mternal  bodily  processes,  such  as  those  of  secretion,  diges- 
tion, circulation  and  respiration.     Not  only  is  the  brain 
connected  with  the  rest  of  the  Iwdy  thr  .ugh  this  n.a  aal 
dependence  of  functions,  but  also  through  the  fact  of  a 
common  origin.    All  parts  of  the  body  develop  from  the 
same  germ  cells.     It  is  therefore  not  surprising  to  find 
that  many  bodily  defects  are  very  frequent  in  mentally 
retarded  children,  and  that,  on  the  other  hand,  a  welf- 
(K'vcloped  l)ody  is  something  of  an  index  of  intelligence 
as  well  a'^  an  aid  to  its  development. 

The   correlation   between   intelligence   and   physical 
defects  is  not  so  close,  however,  as  many  people  have 
^  81 


m 


S3 


PHYSICAL  DEFECTS 


supposed     Ayres  conducted  an  investigation  in  New  York 
<^.ty  to  deternune  tiie  relation   between   the  degree  of 

de  ect.ve  t.cth.  poor  vision,  and  poor  hearing.^     The 

rctarc  ed.     7  hose  who  were  in  the  grade  they  should 
have  Ix^en  ,n.  had  they  entered  school  at  the  age  o    six 
or  seven  and  progressed  at  the  rate  of  one  gr^deTer  year 
were  ca llec  n,  >rmal.  and  those  who  were  heh!nd  the^  grade 
were  called  retarded.     The  con,parison  was  thus  between 
the  older  children  in  a  grade,  the  retarded  ones,  and  their 
y-mger  classmates,  the  normal  ones.    The  outcome  u"s 
hat  the  percentage  having  physical  defects  was  larjrer 
for  the  normal  children  than  for  those  who  vere  retarded" 
in  order  to  find  an  explanation  of  this  unexpected 
result    Ayres  retabulated  his  data,  classifying  all  the  cll 
dren  by  their  ages  instead  of  by  their  school  grade       t 
hereupon  appeared  that  there  exists  a  steady  decrease 
from  the  age  of  six  up  to  the  age  of  fifteen  in  the  per! 
centage  of  children  having  each  sort  of  defect    w  th  the 
exception   of    Ixid   vision.     This  explains    the  ^    sen  e 
of  more  physical   defects  among  the  normal  children 
than  among  the  retarded.    The  normal  children  were 
younger  than  the  retarded  children  of  the  same  grade 
.th    whom    they    were    compared,    and    consequT^itly 
showed  more  defects.  lucnuy 

a  cotC;  '"'^^  "'"'7  '^'  '""^^  ^'^^"-  P'-^^^^^^"'  to  make 
a  comparison,  no    Ixnwecn  normal  and  retarded  children 

n  the  same  grade,   but.   for  children  of  each  age    be- 

!!l£i!l!!!^!!!::^^                                           Children 
'Ayres,  "Laggards  in  Our  Schools."  1909.  PP^T^^r^^^; 


PHYSICAL  DEFECTS  AND  INTELLIGENCE    83 

of  the  same  age  were  divided  into  superior,  normal  and 
dull,  according  to  whether  they  were  advanced,  average, 
or  retarded  in  their  school  grade. 

It  then  appeared  that  the  percentage  having  physical 
defects  was  larger  for  the  dull  children  than   for  the 
superior.    The  difference  in  the  percentages  of  physically 
defective  children  in  the  three  classes— dull,  normal  and 
superior— was  slight,  hut  the  difference  in  the  degree  of 
defectiveness  was  found  to  l)e  rather  marked,  the  dull 
child  showing  on  the  average  considerably  more  defects 
than  the  superior  one.    Ayre's  investigation  shows,  then, 
that  in  general  dull  children  are  more  likely  to  have  physi- 
cal defects  than  are  superior  ones,  and  that  the  defects 
m  the  dull  child  tend  to  be  more  numerous  and  more 
serious  than  those  in  the  superior  child;   but   it   also 
brings  out  the  fact  that  the  difference  between  dull  and 
superior  children,  so  far  as  physical  defects  are  concerned, 
IS  less  than  that  Ijetween  younger  and  ilder  children. 

Now,  although  the  degree  of  correspondence  l^etween 
mtelligence  and  freedom  from  physical  defects  is  slight, 
physical  defects  exert  a  marked  influence  upon  the  activ- 
ity of  intelligence.     A  child  with  physical  defects  may 
Ix  either  superior  or  dull;  but,   whichever  he   is.   the 
removal  of  his  physical  defects  will  help  him  mentally. 
Physical  defects,  of  little  importance  as  causes  of  poor 
intelligence,  and  only  in  small  part  due  to  the  same  fac- 
tors as  dullness,  nevertheless  constitute  a  severe  handicap 
to  efficient  mental  activity,  causing  the  child  to  do  his 
mental  labor  under  difficulties.     They  affect  intelligence 
somewhat  as  hampering  clothing  does  the  efficient  exercise 
of  physical  strength.    There  might  be  onlv  a  shVht  corre- 
lation with  the  weight  or  fit  of  a  child's  shoes  and  the 
strength  of  his  legs;  yet  a  child  with  sufficiently  heavv 


84 


PHYSICAL  DEFECTS 


fi'ot-mce"'"^  '^'°''  '"""^'^  "''^"'•^'  ^  handicapped  in  a 

The  proper  treatment  of  physical  defects  is  an  import- 
ant educational  measure,  a  measure  that  enables  the  child 
to  make  the  l.est  use  of  his  abilities.  Removal  of  a  child's 
adenoids,  or  the  provision  of  proper  eye-lasses,  may 
be  o  greater  importance  to  his  mental  achievements  than 
he  difference  between  the  best  and  worst  of  school  teach- 
ing I  may  say  that  the  presence  of  remedial  physical 
t^  VV  ^PP^'"^"^^^  ^""  <^hild  is  an  almost  hopeful 
Mgn,  ,t  allows  his  parents  to  believe  that  his  dullness  is 

caleT'T^ ~''^''  '"^  intelligence  is  normal  but  handi- 
capped.    There  are  many  striking  cases  on  record  of 

removTof"'  I"  '',''""  "^^"'  ^^"^'^'  ''  '^'^  ^-"^^  ^^  the 
removal  of  adenoids  or  tonsils,  or  the  fitting  of  glasses 

tollowed  by  special,  individual  teaching  2  ' 

The  account  here  given  of  sensory  and  other  defects 

IS  limited  to  the  minimum  that  is  compatible  with  a  broad 

uiKlerstanding  of  the  educational  needs  of  children      I 

shall  point  out  merely  how  the  presence  of  the  commone 

defects,  particularly  those  of  vision  and  hearing   may  be 

ascer^med  and  indicate  some  of  the  chief  cons«iuence7 

Defective  V.sxon.-Visual  acuity,  or  the  abili^  to  Le 

1  dilfZe  ^V'V^  '^""^  ^'^  ^^^'^  -^^  l^«-"at 
chart,  the  letters  of  each  line  being  smaller  than  those  o' 
the  line  above  it.    Such  a  chart  is  commonly  known  as  a 
Snellen  test  card,  and  may  be  procured  fron'  any  ocu hit 
Usually  the  top  h„e  contains  just  one  letter.  whi4°   of  . 

and  MorJ^'iSl^^^^^^^^ 

Smith.  "Sixfv-tvvo  Days' TrSn^  of  fR''l^°'-  ,"n"^'  P"  '=53 "  ^nd 

cal  Clinic,  vol.  ii,  pp.  '    29  and    S  ^^'^''''"^  ^°y"  P^ychologi- 


DEFECTIVE  VISION 


8U 


The  next  line  of  letters  is  large  enough  so  that  it  may 
normally  be  read  at  loo  feet,  the  next  at  70  feet,  and  so 
on  down.  The  line  next  to  the  bottom  is  usually  one  that 
should  l>e  read  at  20  feet,  and  the  bottom  line  one  that  can 
Ije  read  only  at  12  feet.  The  distance  at  which  each  line 
ought  to  l)e  read  is  printed  beside  it  on  the  test  card. 

To  test  a  child's  vision,  this  card  is  hung  on  the  wall 
in  a  good  light  a  distance  of  20  feet  in  front  of  the  child. 
The  child  reads  the  lefers  as  the  teacher  points  them 
out,  l>eginning  at  the  top  line  and  going  down  to  a  line 
where  he  misses  more  than  one  letter.  The  result  of  the 
test  is  recorded  as  a  fraction,  of  which  the  numerator  is 
the  distance  at  which  the  child  is  standing  from  the  chart 
and  the  denominator  the  distance  at  which  the  smallest 
line  he  can  read  should  be  legible,  as  indicated  by  the 
distance  printed  beside  it.  Thus,  if  a  child,  standing  at 
the  standard  distance  of  20  feet  from  the  chart,  can  read 
all  the  letters  of  the  20-feet  line,  or  all  but  one  of  them, 
with  his  right  eye,  but  can  read  only  those  of  the  40-feet 
line  with  his  left,  the  vision  of  his  right  eye  is  l{,  or 
normal,  while  that  of  his  left  eye  is  ~,  or  one-half.  Each 
eye  must  be  tested  separately,  and  the  eye  not  being 
tested  kept  open,  but  covered  by  a  card  held  close  in 
front  of  it. 

Visual  acuity  of  }i  to  >^  is  not  regarded  as  particu- 
larly bad.  The  percentage  of  children  having  various 
degrees  of  defective  vision  varies  greatly  from  class  to 
class.  On  the  average,  results  something  like  the  follow- 
ing may  be  expected :  A  visual  acuity  in  one  or  both  eyes 
of  y^  or  vvorse  in  6  or  8  per  cent. ;  of  3/2  or  vorse,  in  10 
to  15  per  cent. ;  of  Vs  or  worse,  in  15  to  35  per  cent. 

The  test  for  visual  acuity  detects  all  those  who  have 
defective  vision  at  the  distance  of  iwenty  feet;  but  it 


I 


86 


PHYSICAL  DEFECTS 


m.sses  many  whose  vision  is  very  poor  at  the  ordinary 
reading  distance      It  cannot  be  counted  upon  to  detect 
those  who  are  suffering  from  one  of  the  commonest  as 
well  as  most  serious  visual  defects,  namely,  far-sighted- 
ness.    The  reason  is  not  hard  to  understand.    The  far- 
s.ghted  person  sees  as  well  at  a  distance  as  the  possessor 
of   normal   vision;  he  is   merely  unable  to  see  clearly 
objects  which  are  close  at  hand.     At  a  distance  as  great 
as  twenty    eet.  the  far-sighted  person  may  see  as  easily  as 
anybody  else,  and  if  he  cannot  see  as  easily,  he  can  yet 
manage  to  see  as  well,  simply  by  straining  his  eyes  a  little 
He  may  even  succeed  in  reading  at  the  ordinary  distance^ 
but  only  by  straining  his  eyes  to  a  very  excessive  and  injur- 
ious degree.     Such  a  person  suffers  greatly  in  using  his 
e}es  for  reading,  for  they  must  work  constantly  under 

^ennnrr"'  '''""•  ,  ^"'''"'"'>^'  ^^^'^i^htedness  is  more 
serious  than  near-sightedness.  The  near-sighted  pupil 
cannot  read  well  at  a  distance  of  twenty  feet  but  he  may 
ThtH  '°^^r^V^  '"  "^  "^^'-  --k;'vhereas  the  Tar' 

wfth  if.H  "^  '  '  °  P"'""'  '^''  '■^^^'"^  ''''  ^'  t^venty  feet, 
with  httle  or  no  eyc-strain,  may  yet  l>e  utterly  unable  to 

llutwTi       '  T  'r'-    ^''^"^  ^'  ^^"^'^-  ^hat  iaschool 

near  s  ;h  T"'  '^'""'•^  '?  ^'"^'"^'^  *'"^^^  ^  -"^"^o"  ^ 
near-sg^Uedness.  it  is  obvious  that  the  Snellen  chart  test 

has  to  i^  supplemented  by  one  for  far-sightedness 

is  to  rj!T''1  -iT'  "^.^-'^^^'^■^"y  testing  far-sightedness 
IS  to  have  the  child  read  through  a  weak  convex  lens  or 

d"omer  w'^  ^T'  °f  ^'^'■""^^^  ^  I^^'--  «f  ^P^^tacles  with  two 
da?         If':!  •    ""'^  "'  T^  ^^  '^^^  ^•■«-  ^"y  -spectacle 

:;"::it!:i!;^th:xrLtr^^^ 


DEFECTIVE  VISION 


87 


Even  the  lens  test  may  fail,  if,  from  habit,  the  far- 
sighted  child  refuses  to  relax  his  eyes.  It  is  necessary, 
therefore,  to  have  the  child  examined  by  a  specialist  when- 
ever there  is  any  reason  to  suspect  that  his  vision  is  defec- 
tive, even  though  he  passes  the  tests.  In  this  connection, 
the  teacher  should  !«  alert  to  notice  the  symptoms  of  eye- 
strain in  her  pupils.  These  symptoms  consist  in  an  aching 
or  tiring  of  the  eyes  with  prolonged  reading,  smarting  or 
Itching,  and  a  blurring  or  running  together  of  the  letters. 
I'Vequent  headaches  are  in  themselves  a  sufificient  symptom. 
According  to  Cornell.'*  "the  only  considerable  cause  of 
habitual  headache  in  children  is  eye-strain." 

It  is  not  sufficient  that  children  sufTering  from  defec- 
tive vision  receive  proper  examination  and  treatment  by 
aia   oculist.     When  glasses  are  prescribed,   the  teacher 
must  see  to  it  that  they  are  worn.     The  child  should  be 
impressed  by  the  notion  of  their  value.     Spectacles  are  a 
great  invention,  due.  it  is  said,  to  Sal  vino  d'Armati  of 
Florence,  who  died  in  13 17.    At  one  time,  the  cost  of  a 
pair  of  glasses,  was  equal  to  50  to  100  dollars,  and  even  if 
they  cost  that  to-day  they  would  \ie  cheap  at  the  price — 
as  one  may  perceive  by  considering  the  earning  ability  of 
those  men  who,  but  for  their  glasses,  would  hardly  be 
self-supporting.    Besides  making  sure  that  children  wear 
their  glasses,  the  teacher  should  guard  against  glasses  that 
are  not  properly  fitted.    She  can  do  this  by  watching  care- 
fully for  symptoms  of  eye-strain.     Vision  may  change. 
There  is  a  tendency  for  far-sightedness  to  diminish  and 
for  near-sightedness  to  increase  as  children  grow  older  ; 
so  that  it  is  necessary  from  time  to  time  to  have  the  eyes 
examined,  even  though  they  may  l)e  already  fitted  with 
*"  Health  and  Medical   Inspection  of  School  Children,"    1912! 


m 

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MICROCOPY    RESOLUTION    TEST    CHART 

ANSI  and  ISO  TEST  CHART  No    2 


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III; 


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■6'~3    East    Main   Street 

'-ocfiester.    Ne*    Ten-         1460o 
'16)    482  -  OiOO  -  Phor.e 
"16)    288  -  5989  -  Fn. 


88 


PHYSICAL  DEFECTS 


pflasses     Various  eye  defects,  frequently  associated  with 
defective  vision,  should  not  go  unobserved.    Styes,  squints 
and  swollen  or  reddened  eyelids  are  readily  noted ;  but  in 
addition  the  teacher  should  watch  for  children  who  have  a 
tense  facial  expression  and  a  tendency  to  screw  up  their 
eyes  when  looking  at  the  blacklx)ard,  who  hold  their  books 
close  to  their  eyes,  or  stoop  down  close  to  their  work,  or 
who  show  excessive  blinking  and  over-sensitivity  to  light. 
Defective  Hearing.— Almost  as  important  as  defects 
of  vision  are  those  of  hearing.    They  afifect  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  five  per  cent,  of  all  children,  and  are  often 
attended  with  serious  results.     Besides  his  direct  loss, 
a  child  with  defective  hearing  may  suffer  a  number  of 
indirect  bad  consequences.    Speech  is  likely  to  l:>e  peculiar, 
as  the  mutism  that  accompanies  total  deafness  indicates. 
The  continual  leaning  forward  to  hear  may  cause  stoop 
shoulders  and  flat  chest,  and  these,  in  turn,  increase  a  liabil- 
ity to  tulxrculosis.    Inattention  may  become  pronounced, 
merely  because  of  the  great  efifort  required  to  hear,  and 
may  lead  to  an  undeserved  reputation  for  dullness.    Par- 
tial isolation  from  normal  play  and  social   '.ntercourse 
with  other  children  leads  to  the  acquisition  of  a  peculiar 
temperament,  shmvn  in  a  tendency  towards  self-analysis 
and  suspiciousness  of  others.     Numerous  statistics  prove 
that  school  work  is  seriously  handicapped  by  deafness. 
While  children  with  defective  hearing  are  by  no  means 
always  retarded,  a  much  larger  percentage  of  such  chil- 
dren is  found  among  those  who  are  retarded  than  among 
those  who  are  advanced.     To  some  extent  this  may  be 
accounted  for  by  the  association  of  deafness  with  other 
defects,  Puch  as  adenoids  and  even  with  dullness  itself. 
It  is  for  the  most  part,  however,  due  directly  to  the  obvious 
handicap  of  defective  hearing. 


DEFECTIVE  HEARING 


89 


Hearing  ability  may  he  best  examined  by  what  is 
known  as  the  whisper  test.  As  conducted  by  Kirkpatrick, 
a  number  of  children  may  be  tested  at  the  same  time.  He 
describes  his  procedure  substantially  as  follows : ''  The 
children  take  scats  in  three  rows,  tliree  or  four  or  even 
five  children  in  a  row.  They  are  supplied  with  pencil 
and  paper  and  asked  to  keep  their  eyes  to  the  front.  The 
teacher  stands  to  the  right,  opposite  the  middle  pupil,  and 
pronounces  in  a  low,  distinct  whisper  a  series  of  numbers 
which  they  are  asked  to  write  after  her,  one  at  a  time, 
as  in  a  dictation  exercise.  After  four  or  five  numtx;rs 
have  been  given,  the  children  change  seats;  those  in  the 
row  nearest  the  teacher  take  the  seats  of  those  in  the 
farthest  row ;  those  in  the  farthest  row  move  to  the  mid- 
dle; and  those  in  the  middle  move  to  the  nearest  row. 
Then  the  teacher  whispers  another  series  of  numbers. 
The  moving  is  repeated,  and  the  teacher  whispers  a  third 
series.  This  completes  the  test  for  the  right  ear — all  the 
children  having  been  tested  at  three  distances,  near,  far 
and  medium.  The  left  ear  is  tested  in  a  similar  way,  the 
teacher  standing  to  the  children's  left.  She  collects  the 
papers  and  grades  them  by  taking  the  total  number  of 
digits  written  correctly.  The  totals  for  the  right  ear 
and  left  ear  are  averaged  for  the  class.  The  hearing 
ability  of  each  ear  for  each  child  is  then  recorded  in  the 
form  of  a  fraction,  the  denominator  of  which  is  the  aver- 
age for  the  class  and  the  numerator  the  number  of  digits 
correctly  written  by  the  individual  child.  The  record 
shows  the  acuteness  of  hearing  of  each  child  in  comparison 
with  that  of  his  classmates.  With  this  record  before  her 
it  should  not  Ix?  hard  for  the  teacher  to  tell  which  children 
require  the  attention  of  an  ear  specialist. 

'Psychological  Clinic,  1909,  pp.  96,  07. 


90 


PHYSICAL  DEFECTS 


Defects  of  hearing  must,  imperatively,  be  recognized 
early  in  life.  Long-standing  cases  are  likely  to  be  rather 
obstinate.  Small  children  almost  never  complain  on  their 
own  initiative  of  inability  to  hear,  and  older  children  may 
frequently  conceal  their  infirmity  on  account  of  timidity. 
Such  symptoms  as  mouth-breathing  and  earache,  apparent 
stupidity,  or  even  slowness  or  hesitation  in  executing 
commands,  should  be  regarded  as  sufficient  to  necessitate 
an  examination  by  the  physician.  A  discharging  ear 
should  be  given  immediate  attention.  If  chronic,  it  indi- 
cates an  inflammation  of  the  middle  ear,  within  the  skull, 
which  may  result  in  very  serious  consequences. 

Non-sensory  Defects.— Among  the  most  frequent  of 
the  non-sensory  physical  defects  met  with  in  school  chil- 
dren are  the  following:  Defective  glands;  enlarged  ton- 
sils; adenoids,  consisting  of  little  swellings  which  grow 
in  the  passageway  connecting  the  nose  with  the  throat  and 
block  it  up;  nasal  catarrh  and  nasal  obstructions  of  one 
sort  or  another;  stuttering  and  lisping;  malnutrition; 
defective  teeth,  particularly  frequent  in  the  younger  chil- 
dren; nervous  disorders;  diseases  of  the  heart,  lungs,  and 
skin ;  and  diseases  or  deformities  of  the  skeleton.    Many 
of  these  troubles  can  be  recognized  only  by  the  physician. 
Note,  however,  that  a  number  of  them  are  located  in  the 
neightorhood  of  the  mouth  and  throat.    For  this  reason, 
a  teacher  should  be  familiar  with  the  normal  appearance 
of  this  region.     "  Look  into  the  children's  mouths  "  is 
good  pedagogy  and  sound  psychology.    It  stands  for  the 
principle  of  careful  individual  observation  of  children,  c 
principle  which  one  must  follow  if  he  is  to  guide  children 
successfully  in  their  mental  development. 

The  removal  of  adenoids  and  of  tonsils  is  not  infre- 
quently accompanied  by  a  marked  improvement  in  general 


STIGMATA  OF  DEGENERACY 


91 


health  and  a  decrease  in  susceptibility  to  colds  and  sore 
throat.  Marked  improvement  in  mental  ability  may  also 
result.  A  numljer  of  studies  indicate  that  children  who 
are  retarded  in  school  may  do  better  work  after  the 
removal  of  these  sources  of  infection.  In  fact,  the 
majority  of  all  cases  of  sudden  improvement  in  mentality 
are  those  in  which  adenoids  or  tonsils  have  been  removed. 
Removal  of  adenoids  may  lead  to  a  much  improved  facial 
expression,  by  permitting  the  child  to  breathe  through  his 
nose  instead  of  a  wide-open  mouth.  It  may  also  result  in 
better  attention  by  removing  the  distraction  caused  by 
mouth-breathing.  When  the  adenoids  have  been  respon- 
sible, as  they  sometimes  are,  for  catarrh  in  the  ear,  their 
removal  may  result  in  improvement  in  hearing.  However, 
in  numerous  cases,  no  mental  improvement  at  all  follows. 
In  an  investigation  of  the  efifects  brought  about  by  removal 
of  adenoids  in  a  group  of  children  retarded  in  their  school 
work,  Cornell  found  that  according  to  the  opinion  of  the 
teachers  a  considerable  number  were  not  benefited  men- 
tally, and  that  the  entire  group  received  52  failures  to 
32  promotions  during  the  year  after  the  operation.* 

Stigmata  of  Degeneracy. — Before  leaving  the  subject 
of  physical  defects,  I  must  mention  the  so-called  "  stig- 
mata of  degeneracy."  These  have  been  widely  discussed 
and  have  attracted  a  great  deal  of  notoriety  as  signs  of 
criminality,  insanity,  and  feeble-mindedness.  Certain 
defects  have  been  given  this  name  on  the  theory  that  they 


originate  in  defects  in  the 


germ 


cells  from  which  the 


individual  develops.  Needless  to  say,  it  is  often  extremely 
difficult  to  decide  whether  a  physical  defect  owes  its 
origin  to  defective  germ  plasm  or  not;  and  it  is  conse- 

and   Medical   Inspection   of   School    Children,"    1912, 


PP. 


' "  Health 
276-J78. 


92 


PHYSICAL  DEFECTS 


quently  not  surprising  that  there  exists  great  disagree- 
ment between  authorities  as  to  what  should  be  enumerated 
as  stigmata  of  degeneracy.  Almost  every  deviation  from 
the  normal  has  been  included  by  some  writer  or  other ;  and 
there  is  no  list  that  does  not  include  defects  that  may 
not  be  due  to  other  factors  than  defective  germ  plasm. 
The  following  list  is  perhaps  fairly  representative: 

1.  Undersized  or  misshaped  head. 

2.  Defective  height  and  weight. 

3.  Misshaped  ears :  Peculiarities  of  form  and  size  of 
the  external  ear  and  its  various  parts. 

4.  Deformities  connected  with  the  eyes :  Crossed  eyes; 
nystagmus,  a  rapid  movement  of  the  eyes  from  side  to 
side,  especially  noticeable  when  the  child  tries  to  fixate  an 
object  lying  in  a  new  direction;  small,  oblique  opening 
between  the  eyelids,  etc. 

5.  Nose,  lips  and  palate :  Peculiarities  of  size  and 
form;  slavering;  protruding  jaw;  small  and  receding 
jaw;  adenoids. 

6.  Teeth :  Irregularities  of  position,  number,  form  and 
size;  delay  in  appearance  of  either  temporary  or  perma- 
nent teeth. 

7.  Defective  circulation  and  respiration. 

8.  Defects  of  the  alimentary  or  digestive  system. 

9.  Hair :  Its  absence  from  customary  places  or  its 
presence  in  unusual  places. 

10.  Defective  facial  expression. 

Now  any  of  the  above  defects  may  appear  in  persons 
who  are  otherwise  perfectly  normal.  Nevertheless,  they 
are  far  more  numerous  in  persons  of  a  degenerate  type, 
especially  the  feeble-minded.  In  an  examination  of  two 
hundred  morons,  Lapage  found  stigmata  in  all  but  nine- 


STIGMATA  OF  DEGENERACY 


93 


teen,  and,  not  uncommonly,  three  or  more  stigmata  in  the 
same  individual.  They  are  more  numerous  in  imbeciles 
and  idiots,  than  in  morons.  Clouston  found  deformed 
palates  in  nineteen  per  cent,  of  the  ordinary  population, 
but  in  sixty-one  per  cent,  of  idiots.  It  is  now  fairly  well 
established  that  there  exists  a  rough  correlation  between 
the  numlier,  severity  and  extensiveness  of  stigmata  and 
innate  defectiveness  of  the  central  nervous  system."  One 
or  even  two  of  these  stigmata  may  be  of  no  particular 
importance;  but  if  they  are  more  numerous,  they 
are  significant. 

By  themselves,  stigmata  of  degeneracy  should  never 
be  taken  as  evidence  of  dullness  or  feeble-mindedness. 
They  are  quite  too  unreliable.  They  have  significance 
only  in  those  cases  in  which,  as  the  result  of  mental  tests 
or  other  observations,  mental  subnormality  is  already 
known  to  exist.  In  these  cases,  stigmata  have  some  signifi- 
cance as  regards  the  cause  of  the  mental  subnormality. 
The  stigmata,  while  never  conclusive,  are  a  sign  of  defec- 
tiveness in  the  germ  cells  from  which  the  child  has  devel- 
oped. When,  then,  the  child  is  already  known  to  be 
retarded,  the  presence  of  stigmata  may  be  regarded  as 
evidence  that  ^"s  retardation  is  inborn,  that  it  is  dullness 
rather  than  mere  backwardness,  that  it  is  not  due  to  tem- 
porary causes  which  may  be  either  easily  remedied  or  out- 
grown, but  that  on  the  contrary  it  is  an  ingrained, 
permanent  feature  of  his  constitution. 

All  in  all.  soundness  of  lx)dy  is  correlated  with  sound- 
ness of  mind.  With  regard  to  any  other  part  of  the  body 
than  the  central  nervous  system,  however,  the  correlation 
is  so  slight  that  all  our  elaborate  measurements  scarcely 

'Bcisbauer,  Miklas  unci  Schiner,  "  Handbuch  der   Schwachsin- 


94 


PHYSICAL  DEFECTS 


do  more  than  establish  its  existence.  In  the  case  of  the 
central  nervous  system,  there  is  abundant  evidence  of  a 
very  high  correlation,  particularly  with  certain  features 
of  the  cerebral  cortex.  Here,  owing  to  the  difificulty  of 
access,  we  are  still  greatly  in  need  of  more  precise  data. 
Enough  is  known,  however,  so  that  we  may  be  confident 
that  brightness  is  much  more  highly  correlated  with  the 
numljer  and  development  of  the  cortical  cells  than  with 
any  other  bodily  features.  The  correlation  is  at  least  so 
high,  that,  in  the  absence  of  any  information  concerning 
a  child  except  that  he  is  superior  or  dull,  we  may  assume 
as  the  most  probable  cause  of  his  mental  condition  the 
state  of  his  cerebral  cortex. 

Medical  Inspection  and  Its  Relation  to  the  Teacher. — 
In  concluding  this  chapter  on  physical  defects,  I  shall  add 
a  few  comments  on  medical  inspection  and  its  relation  to 
the  teacher.  To  some  people,  who  greatly  exaggerated  the 
connection  between  physical  defects  and  mentality,  the 
results  of  medical  inspection  have  been  a  disappointment. 
They  were  disappointed  to  observe  that  children  still  con- 
tinued as  usual  to  fail  in  school  work  in  large  numbers. 
To  those  who  better  understood  the  true  relationship 
between  mind  and  body,  medical  inspection  appeared  not 
only  successful  but  indispensable.  In  the  United  States, 
medical  inspection  has  had  to  fight  against  considerable 
prejudice.  Its  desirability,  however,  is  beyond  debate ;  the 
only  problem,  now,  is  how  to  make  it  more  efficient.  In 
the  solution  of  this  problem,  a  great  deal  depends  upon 
the  cooperation  of  the  teacher. 

Medical  inspection  is  now  nearly  a  century  old.  It 
originated  in  France,  w^here,  in  1837,  a  royal  ordinance 
made  it  the  special  duty  of  the  female  supervisors  of 
kindersartens  to  watch  over  the  health  of  the  children. 


MEDICAL  INSPECTION 


95 


It  is  now  well-nigh  universal.  Medical  inspection  has 
been  adopted  by  all  the  nations  of  Europe  as  well  as  in 
many  other  parts  of  the  world.  The  Argentine  Republic 
is  said  to  have  one  of  the  most  thorough  systems  of  medi- 
cal inspection  in  existence ;  and  Japan  has  a  system  which 
embraces  the  entire  empire,  including  the  most  remote 
rural  districts.^  In  the  United  States,  since  the  inception 
of  the  movement  in  Boston  in  1894,  its  expansion  has 
been  very  rapid. 

Medical  inspection  has  a  twofold  aim :  First,  the  detec- 
tion of  communicable  diseases,  which  has  as  its  main  object 
the  protection  of  the  community;  and,  second,  physical 
examination,  which  aims  to  discover  defects  and  dis- 
eases, and  to  note  the  general  physical  condition  of  chil- 
dren. In  both  these  aims  the  cooperation  of  the  teacher 
is  invaluable.  The  teacher  should  be  familiar  with  the 
symptoms  of  infectious  diseases,"  and  constantly  on  the 
watch  for  them.  In  the  physical  examination,  also,  the 
teacher  may  cooperate  by  testing  vision  and  hearing  and 
by  looking  out  for  other  physical  defects.  In  some  states, 
teachers  are  required  by  law  to  make  tests  of  the  vision 
and  hearing  of  their  pupils.  Even  in  cities  which  have  an 
adequate  system  of  medical  inspection,  it  is  desirable, 
even  though  not  required,  that  the  teachers  should  be  able 
to  make  such  tests.  The  object,  of  course,  is  not  to  arrive 
at  a  diagnosis  of  causes,  but  merely  to  determine  whether 
vision  or  hearing  is  defective,  so  that  a  thorough  examina- 
tion and  proper  treatment  may  be  given  by  a  specialist 
and  so  that  the  teacher  herself  may  arrange  for  proper 
seating  and  methods  of  instruction. 

'  See  Gulick  and  Ayres,  "  Medical  Inspection  of  Schools,"  1908, 
pp.  iS-26. 

*A  convenient  description  of  these  is  given  by  Lapage,  "Feeble- 

\f  Jj- J-,J  j.„ -,_     ;„     '^-.  P.-1  i^...i      -,f    C   .*..,-.-,!      *.-,„"     T.-,Ti       ,,^       .iO     ,  ^Q 


96 


PHYSICAL  DEFECTS 


The  greatest  of  all  the  teacher's  responsibilities,  how- 
ever, in  connection  with  the  j^hvsical  welfare  of  her  pupils, 
is  in  the  follow-up  work  that  is  necessary  if  medical  inspec- 
tion is  to  be  made  successful.  Parental  inditTerence  and 
neglect  is,  at  present,  the  greatest  obstacle  to  the  success 
of  mruical  inspection.  In  a  great  many  cases  it  is  very 
difficult,  if  not  impossible,  to  persuade  parents  to  act  upon 
the  notification  received  from  the  medical  examiner.  The 
medical  examiner  himself  can  not  remedy  the  defects  he 
finds.  His  duty  ends  when  he  has  notified  the  child's 
parents  of  the  existence  of  defects;  he  is  not  permitted 
to  correct  them.  However  unsatisfactory'  this  state  of 
affairs  may  be,  it  will  probably  continue  for  a  long  time 
to  come.  In  the  meantime,  follow-up  work  is  clearly 
necessary,  unless  a  large  part  of  the  medical  inspector's 
labor  is  to  be  wasted. 

Sometimes  it  is  made  the  special  duty  of  the  school 
nurse  to  see  to  it  that  proper  measures  are  taken  for  the 
cor  ction  or  treatment  of  physical  defects ;  but  the  respon- 
sibility of  the  teacher  is  never  entirely  removed.  If  the 
school  is  fortunate  enough  to  possess  an  efficient  school 
nurse,  it  may  never  be  necessary  for  the  teacher  to  deal 
directly  with  the  child's  parents.  All  that  may  be  required 
of  her  is  strict  insistence  against  neglect.  In  less  fortunate 
circumstances,  the  teacher  must  take  more  active  measures. 
The  teacher,  by  virtue  of  her  position  of  direct  authority 
over  the  education  of  children  entrusted  to  her  care,  must 
hold  herself  responsible  for  the  proper  treatment  of  every 
remedial  physical  defect  present  in  her  pupils.  The  correc- 
tion of  physical  defects  is  as  much  an  educational  measure 
as  the  correction  of  illiteracy.  The  teacher  must  accept 
the  responsibility  for  both,  whether  or  not  the  administra- 
tive authorities  ask  her  to  do  so. 


CHAPTER  VI 

ANATOMICAL  AGE 

The  Various  Child  Ages. — According  to  psychology, 
every  child  has  a  number  of  different  ages,  each  of  which 
represents  an  appraisement  of  some  one  of  the  factors 
comprising  his  complex  existence.  The  four  most  import- 
ant are  the  chronological,  mental,  pedagogical  and 
physiological,  or  anatomical,  ages. 

Each  of  these  ages  has  different  implications.  The 
chronological  tells  only  how  long  the  child  has  lived.  The 
mental  age  states  his  amount  of  intelligence.  The  peda- 
gogical age  gives  his  school  grade.  It  is  merely  a  sub- 
division of  what  may  be  termed  his  acquisitional  age,  the 
age  which  tells  how  much  he  has  acquired  in  the  way  of 
information  and  serviceable  habits.  His  physiological 
age  records  the  extent  to  which  his  bodily  functions  have 
developed.  It  is  distinguishable  from  anatomical  age, 
which  expresses  the  stage  of  growth  of  the  lx)dily  struc- 
tures, but  physiological  and  anatomical  age  are  so  closely 
related  that  for  educational  purposes  they  may  be  united 
under  the  head  of  anatomical  age. 

Each  of  these  ages  is  to  a  large  extent  independent  of 
the  others.  We  have  already  seen  that  a  child's  mental  age 
may  be  far  beyond  or  behind  his  chronological  age.  Like- 
wise, pedagogical  age  and  anatomical  age  may  differ 
widely  from  chronological  age.  Pedagogical  age,  which 
refers  to  a  child's  school  grade,  might  be  supposed  insepa- 
rable from  mental  age,  but,  unfortunately,  it  does  not 
always  prove  to  be  so.  The  grade  a  child  attains  in  school 
7  97 


98 


ANATOMICAL  AGE 


depcmls  upon  his  age  at  entering,  upon  the  flexibihty  of 
the  grading  system  to  winch  lie  is  subjected  and  other 
factors,  as  well  as  upon  his  intelligence.  Pedagogical 
age  and  mental  age  not  only  differ  from  each  other,  but 
are  both  quite  distinct  from  anatomical  age.  This  dis- 
tinction is  most  striking  in  idiots  and  iml:)eciles,  who  may 
l>e  fairly  well  develoi>cd  physically  and  yet  possess  prac- 
tically nothing  of  intelligence  or  inf(^rmation. 

While  the  various  ages  are  distinct  and  to  a  certain 
extent  independent,  their  true  significance  is  clear  only 
when  they  are  considered  in  relation  to  each  other.  To 
know  a  child's  mental  age,  for  example,  is  of  compara- 
tively little  value,  unless  his  chronological  age  is  also 
known.  If,  however,  we  know  the  relation  of  the  former 
to  the  latter,  we  can  form  some  idea  of  the  child's  bright- 
ness, to  some  extent  can  predict  his  future,  and  begin 
to  plan  his  education  with  some  measure  of  wisdom.  Thus 
considered  in  relation  to  the  other  ages  of  the  child,  both 
the  anatomical  and  pedagogical  age  contribute  immensely 
to  the  understanding  of  the  child's  nature — his  needs  and 
his  potentialities. 

Anatomical  Age.— The  measurement  of  any  of  these 
ages,  except  the  chronological,  requires  that  norms  or 
standards  be  first  established,  because  the  measurement 
is  made  by  applying  a  scale  showing  the  attainments  of 
normal  children  at  each  of  the  chronological  ages.  Thus, 
as  heretofore  stated,  a  child  has  the  mental  age  ten  if  he 
manifests  the  amount  of  intelligence  of  an  average  ten- 
year-old  child ;  so  that  mental  age  may  be  defined  as  that 
degree  of  intelligence  shown  by  an  average  child  of  the 
corresponding  chronological  age.  Anatomical  age  is 
defined  and  measured  in  a  similar  manner.  It  is  an  age 
which  represents  the  degree  of  physical  development 


ANATOMICAL  AGE 


99 


attained  by  the  average  child  of  the  corresponding  chrono- 
logical age.  If  a  child  has  not  attained  the  anatomical 
development  of  normal  children  of  his  own  chronological 
age,  he  is  anatomically  retarded;  if  he  has  attained  a 
stage  reached  on  the  average  only  by  children  older  than 
himself,  he  is  anatomically  advanced. 

By  the  stage  of  a  child's  physical  development  is 
meant  neither  his  health,  nor  his  strength,  nor  even  his 
size,  but  simply  the  point  at  which  he  has  arrived  in  that 
series  of  changes  by  which  the  lx)dy  of  a  child  is  trans- 
formed into  that  of  an  adult.  It  is  well  known  that  the 
development  of  the  lx)dy  is  marked  by  numerous  definite 
changes  in  the  structure  of  its  parts,  and  that  in  all  per- 
sons a  certain  condition  is  finally  reached  which  marks  the 
end  of  these  changes.  For  example,  everyone  acquires 
a  certain  number  of  teeth  and  no  more.  We  know  tliat 
a  child  who  has  only  one  or  two  of  his  permanent  teeth 
has  a  larger  numl^er  of  stages  still  to  traverse  than  has  the 
child  who  has  already  four  or  five  of  his  permanent  teeth, 
and  a  much  smaller  number  of  stages  yet  before  him 
than  has  the  child  who  has  not  acquired  any  permanent 
teeth.  When  all  the  teeth  have  appeared,  anatomical 
development  with  respect  to  teeth  is  complete,  no  matter 
whether  the  teeth  are  good  or  bad,  and  no  matter  whether 
the  child's  body  is  large  or  small,  strong  or  weak.  It  is 
clear  that  stages  of  this  sort  are  quite  different  from  such 
things  as  strength  or  height.  When  a  boy  has  two  per- 
manent teeth,  we  know  how  many  more  he  will  eventually 
possess ;  whereas  when  he  has  reached  four  feet  in  height, 
we  do  not  know  how  much  more  he  is  to  grow.  We  know 
the  height  of  the  average  man,  but  we  do  not  know  the 
height  any  particular  boy  will  attain  when  he  becomes  a 
man.    Perhaps  we  can  estimate  what  his  final  heieht  will 


lOO 


ANATOMICAL  AGE 


l)e,  but  liis  actual  heiglit  does  not  directly  represent  a 
definite  siage  in  a  known  series  of  developmental 
changes,  leading  to  a  known  final  stage,  as  does  the 
number  of  teeth. 

Both  mental  and  anatomical  ages  measure  something 
in  the  child  by  comparison  with  the  attainments  of  normal 
children ;  luit  they  differ  in  a  very  important  respect,  apart 
from  the  fact  that  one  measures  something  mental  and  the 
other  something  physical.    Thi,;  difference  has  often  been 
overlooked  with  the  result  that  great  confusion  has  existed 
concerning  the  use  to  be  made  of  the  knowledge  of  a 
child's  anatomical  age.    The  word  age  has  a  quite  different 
meaning  in  the  two  cases.     In  mental  age,  the  term  indi- 
cates an  amount,  in  anatomical  age.  a  proportion.    Mental 
age  tells  us  how  much  intelligence  the  child  has ;  it  does  not 
tell  us  what  proportion  of  his  final  intelligence  he  already 
possesses.    Anatomical  age,  on  the  other  hand,  does  not 
indicate  the  amount  of  physical  development,  but  merely 
the  pToportion  of  the  final  development  reached  at  a  given 
period.    Of  course  it  does  not  give  this  proportion  directly 
in  the  form  of  a  fraction;  but  it  does  give  directly  the 
stage  reached  in  a  known  series  of  stages.  We  know  what 
stages  have  gone  before  and  what  remain  to  be  traversed. 
The  Indices  of  Anatomical  Age.— To  the  question, 
then,  what  is  the  best  w^ay  to  determine  a  child's  anatomical 
age,  different  answers  have  Ixen  given.     In  the  main, 
reliance  has  been  placed  on  one  or  the  other  of  three 
indices.     Dr.  Bean  emphasizes  ^.he  value  of  the  eruption 
of   the   permanent   teeth   as  a   measure   of   anatomical 
age.'     Dr.   Crampton.   who,  while  assistant  director  of 

"'The  Eruption  of  the  Teeth  as  a  Phvsiological  Standard  .'or 
Testing  Development."  Pedagogical  Semmary,  vol.  xxi.  1Q14  no 
590-614.  -^  ^'   ^^' 


THE  ERUPTION  OF  TEETH 


xoi 


physical  training  in  the  puWic  schools  of  New  York 
City,  was  one  of  the  first  to  call  attention  to  the  impor- 
tance of  a  knowledge  of  anatomical  age,  uses  the  onset 
of  puberty  as  a  sign.-  Dr.  Rotch  and  others  have  argued 
that  the  most  reliable  index  of  anatomical  age  is  the 
degree  of  development  of  the  skeleton.^'  Pr.  Rotch  and 
Dr.  Pryor  ■*  have  established  the  fact  thai  the  degree  of 
skeletal  development  may  l)e  used  with  a  high  degree  of 
acQuracy  at  all  ages  frc^m  birth  to  maturity,  as  an  index 
of  anatomical  age.  Ah  three  of  these  indices  show  sul> 
stantial  interagreement. 

The  Eruption  of  Teeth.— The  most  convenient  means 
of  deLermining  anatomical  age  is  afiforded  by  the  eruption 
of  the  teeth.  The  teeth  can  be  counted  and  identified  by 
almost  anyone,  after  a  little  experience,  and  they  are, 
obviously,  either  definitely  absent  or  present;  conse- 
quently, their  use  as  measures  of  anatomical  age  does 
not  call  for  much  interpretative  ability !  Some  students 
of  anatomical  age  regard  dentition  as  the  best  single  indi- 
cator, particularly  at  the  earlier  school  ages.' 

From  the  age  of  entering  school  until  the  age  of 
twelve,  a  child's  anatomical  age  can  be  fixed  within  quite 
narrow  limits  solely  by  inspection  of  his  teeth.  The  first 
permanent  teeth  are  the  lower  molars.     These  normally 

'"Anatomical  or  Physiological  Age  Versus  Chronological  Arc," 
I  cdarjogical  Seminary,  vol.  xv,  1008,  pp.  230-217;  and  "  Physiological 
Age,  American  Physical  Education  Review,  vol.  xiii,  igo8,  pp.  141- 
154.^214-227,  268-28,1  and  34q-3q8. 

"Rontgen-rav  Methods  Applied  to  the  Grading  of  Early  Life." 
.tmencan  Physical  Education  Reviciv.  vol.  xv,  igio,  pp.  306-420. 

BuUctms  of  the  State  Colleqe  of  Kentucky:  nTo:;,  "  Develop- 
ment of  the  Bones  of  the  Hand."  pp.  30:  1006,  "  Ossificition  of  the 
Epiphyses  of  the  Hand."  pp.  35 ;  igo8.  "  The  Chronology  and  Order 
of  Ossification  of  the  Bones  of  the  Human  CariMis,  pp.  24. 

See  Beik,  "  Physiological  Age  and  School  Entrance."  Peda- 
gogical Seminary,  vol.  xx,   1913,  p.  303. 


102 


ANATOMICAL  AGE 


appear  at  the  age  of  six.  They  appear  just  behind  the 
rearmost  temporary  teeth,  and  thus,  counting  from  the 
middle  hne  of  the  front  of  the  mouth,  occupy  the  sixth 
place.  Their  position  in  the  mouth  as  well  as  that  of  the 
other  teeth  is  shown  in  the  accompanying  figure,  No.  6. 


Fig.  6.— The  permanent  teeth   (after  Testut  and    Jacob    "Trait<4 

d  anatomic  topographique."  vol. ,,  1909.  p.  266).     i,  ,,  central  incisors- 

•  y'  "^    ''^^  in^sors;  3,  3,  camncs;  4,  4,  first  premolars;  5,  5,  second  pre- 

Som  teeth)    ''  ^         '  ^'  ^'  '^'°"'^  "'°'^''=  ^'  **'   '^'"^   "^°1^^^ 

Ateut  six  months  after  the  first  molars  come  the  two 
lower  central  incisors.  The  remaining  teeth  appear 
in  regular  order  from  the  front  Imckwards,  except  that 
the  first  premolars  may  erupt  tefore  the  lower  canines, 
and  both  the  first  and  second  premolars  before  the 
upper  canines. 


THE  ERl  PTION  OF  TEETH 


X03 


The  normal  age  of  eruption  for  any  tooth  varies. 
Part  of  this  variation  is  due  to  race  and  sex  differences. 
The  teeth  of  French  children  mature  more  rapidly,  and 
those  of  German  children  less  rapidly  than  those  of 
American  children.^  Girls  acquire  their  teeth  earlier 
than  do  boys.  But  even  in  individuals  of  the  same  race 
and  sex,  there  is  a  considerable  variation  in  the  a^^e  of 
eruption  of  the  teeth,  and  on  this  account,  it  is  not  alto- 
gether easy  to  construct  a  normal  scale.  However,  suffi- 
ciently extensive  investigations  have  been  made  that  it  is 
possible  to  state  within  a  month  or  so  at  what  age  one-half 
of  all  children  possess  a  given  tooth.  This  age  is  rela- 
tively the  normal  age.  If,  then,  a  child's  teeth  erupt  at 
the  chronological  ages  indicated  in  the  following  table  as 
Table  Showing  the  Age  of  Eruption  of  the  Permanent  Teeth  ♦ 

A    SCALE    for    measuring   ANATOMICAL    AGE 


Name  of  tooth 


Normal  age 
(present  in 
50  per  cent.) 


Present  in 
25  per  cent. 
of  children 


Present  in 

75  per  cent. 

of  children 


Lower  first  molar 

Upper  first  molar 

Lower  central  incisors.  . 
Upper  central  incisors.  . 
Lower  lateral  incisors. . . 
Upper  lateral  incisors. . . 
Upper  first  premolars. .  . 
Lower  first  premolars. . . 

Lower  canines 

Upper  second  premolars . 
Lower  second  premolars . 

Upper  canines 

Lower  second  molars .  .  . 
Upper  second  molars .  .  . 
Third  molars 


6  yrs.  o  mos. 
6  yrs.  3  mos. 

6  yrs.  6  mi.s. 

7  yrs.  6  mos. 

7  yrs.  6  mos. 

8  yrs.  6  mos. 
10  yrs.  o  mos. 
10  yrs.  6  mos. 

10  yrs.  6  mos. 

1 1  yrs.  o  mos. 
1 1  yrs.  6  mos. 
1 1  yrs.  9  mos. 

1 1  yrs.  9  mos. 

12  yrs.  6  mos. 
17th  to  24th 

year 


5  yrs. 

5  yrs. 

6  yrs. 

7  yrs. 

7  yrs. 

8  yrs. 

8  yrs. 

9  yrs. 
9  yrs. 
9  yrs. 

TO  yrs. 

10  yrs. 
loyrs. 

1 1  vrs. 


6  mos. 
9  mos. 
omos. 
omos. 
o  mos. 
omos. 
9  mos. 
6  mos. 
9  mos. 
9  mos. 
3  mos. 
9  mos. 
9  mos. 
6  mos. 


6  yrs 

7  yrs 

7  yrs 

8  yrs 

8  yrs 

9  yrs 

10  yrs 

1 1  yrs 

12  yrs, 
12  yrs 
12  yrs 
12  yr? 
14  yrs 
14  yrs 


6  mos. 
.  o  mos. 
omos. 
3  mos. 
6  mos. 
3  mos. 
'9  mos. 
9  mos. 
3  mos. 
omos. 
6  mos. 
9  mos. 
omos. 
3  mos. 


*  This  table  is  based  mainly  on  the  data  of  James  and  Pitts.  "Some  Notes  on 
the  Dates  of  Eruption  of  4.850  Childrer,  A^es  under  Twelve,"  Proceedings  of  the 
Royal  Snetflyof  Medicint.  vol.  v,  1012.  It  agrees  substantially  with  the  data  of 
Bean  on  dentition  in  American  school  children. 


•Bean,  op.  cit.,  pp.  603-605. 


104 


ANATOMICAL  AGE 


normal,  he  is  normal  in  anatomical  age;  if  his  teefh  erupt 
at  a  later  ag-e,  he  is  anatomically  retarded,  and  if  at  an 
earlier  age,  anatomically  advanced.  The  table  does  not 
gi>  different  norms  for  the  different  sexes,  for  it  is 
desirable  to  have  one  standard  for  both  sexes,  just  as  in  the 
scale  for  measuring  intelligence.  Then,  by  applying  the 
same  standard  of  anatomical  development  to  each  sex. 
the  difference  l)et\veen  the  sexes  can  easily  be  measured. 

The  Ossification  of  the  Wrist  Bones.— The  stage  of 
skeletal  development  is  l)est  judged  by  the  bones  of  the 
wrist.  The  wrist  contains  eight  small  bones,  the  carpal 
Ixines.  the  development  of  each  of  which,  from  cartilage 
into  bone,  occurs  at  a  different  age.  The  change  from 
cartilage  to  Ijone,  known  as  ossification,  is  readily  fol- 
lowed by  means  of  Rontgen  ray  photographs.  The  first 
ossification,  that  of  the  os  magnum,  occurs  towards  the 
end  of  the  first  year  of  life,  and  the  last,  that  of  the  pisi- 
form bone,  occurs  normally  during  the  eleventh  year. 
The  ossification  of  the  other  wri.st  bones  is  distributed 
over  the  intcnnediate  years. 

In  addition  to  the  stages  formed  by  the  development 
of  the  wrist  bones,  there  are  others,  marked  by  certain 
changes  in  th  wrist  end  of  the  lx)nes  of  the  forearm,  the 
ulua  and  the  radius.  The  ossification  of  a  bone  such  as  the 
ulna  or  the  radius  l^egins  in  its  middle  portion,  or  shaft. 
The  shaft  grows  in  length  by  an  extended  ossification  of 
the  cartilage  towards  both  ends.  While  the  sh.ift  is  thus 
growii  ^  towards  the  ends  of  the  lyine.  ossification  l^egins 
at  new  starting  points  in  the  ends  and  progresses  towards 
the  centre.  Thus  at  one  stage  in  the  formation  of  a  bone 
like  those  of  the  forearm,  the  shaft  is  separated  from 
the  ends  of  ihe  bono  bv  a  zone  of  cartilage.  The  shaft 
and  the  ends,  the  latter  known  as  epiphyses,  continue 


THE  OSSIFICATION  OF  THE  WRIST  BONES 


loS 


to  grow  towards  each  other  until  there  is  a  complete 
bony  union. 

The  different  stages  of  development  of  the  ends,  or 
epiphyses  of  the  ulna  and  radius  form  a  valuable  supi)le- 
ment  to  the  scale  of  anatomical  age  afforded  by  the  devel- 
opment of  the  wrist  bones.  The  development  of  the 
end  of  the  ulna  is  particularly  valuable,  l>ecause  complete 
bony  union  with  the  shaft  is  not  established  until  long 
after  the  last  of  the  wrist  bones  has  ossified.  Additional 
information  concerning  anatomical  age  may  sometimes 
be  gained  by  studying  the  degree  of  development  shown 
by  the  ends  of  the  bones  in  the  palm  of  the  hand,  and  in 
the  fingers  and  thumb.  All  the  bones  of  the  hand  and 
wrist,  as  well  as  the  ends  of  the  ulna  and  radius,  are 
easily  included  in  one  radiograph.  Consequently,  by  a 
single,  objective  impression,  an  accurate  record  of  a 
child's  anatomical  age  may  be  obtained.  The  record  may 
be  taken  as  often  as  desired,  and  at  any  age  from 
birth  to  maturity. 

Of  all  the  indicators  of  anatomical  age,  the  stages  of 
development  shown  by  the  skeleton  and  the  teeth  are  the 
most  reliable.  The  development  of  the  skeleton,  in  par- 
ticular, is  very  little  affected  by  adverse  circumstances. 
This  has  been  shown  by  several  studies  on  the  effect 
upon  the  growth  of  the  various  bodily  organs,  brought 
alx)ut  by  underfeeding  of  animals.  These  studies  estab- 
lish the  fact  that  the  bones  form  the  most  stable  part  of 
the  body.  Dr.  Jackson,  studying  the  growth  of  young 
white  rats,  found  that  the  skeleton  continues  to  grow 
even  when,  by  means  of  underfeeding,  the  weight  of  the 
body  as  a  whole  is  kept  constant.  "  The  increase  in  the 
skeleton  during  constant  Ixtdy  weight,"  he  writes, 
"  appears  to  involve  the  ligaments  as  well  as  the  cartilages 


io6 


ANATOMICAL  AGE 


and  bones.  The  skeletal  growth  tends  to  proceed  along 
the  lines  of  normal  development,  as  indicated  by  the 
decrease  in  water-content  and  by  formation  and  union 
of  various  epiphyses."  '  Like  results  have  been  obtained 
by  mvestigations  of  the  calf,  the  dog  and  the  cat.  Like- 
wise it  has  been  found  that  malnutrition  in  children 
retards  growth  in  length  (consequently,  skeletal  growth) 
less  than  growth  in  body  weight,  so  that  the  skeleton  may 
continue  to  grow  even  while  the  weight  of  the  body  re- 
mains practically  at  a  standstill. 

Photographs  of  the  wrist  bones  have  been  compared 
with  those  of  other  parts  of  the  skeleton,  such  as  the 
elbow^  shoulder,  knee,  and  ankle.  The  result  has  been 
general  agreement  that  the  development  of  the  wrist 
bones  afifords  both  the  most  reliable  and  the  most  prac- 
tical single  index  of  general  skeletal  development.  "  It 
has  been  determined,"  writes  Rotch,  "  that  the  appearance 
of  the  carpal  lx)nes  and  the  epiphyses  of  the  radius  and 
ulna  represent  the  stage  of  development  of  all  the  other 
epiphyses  throughout  the  skeleton,  so  that  the  bones  of 
the  wrist  may  be  relied  upon  to  judge  of  epiphyseal 
development  without  having  to  take  Rontgen  pictures 
of  the  other  epiphyses."  ^ 

Variation  in  the  Anatomical  Age  of  Children,— I  have 
already  pointed  out  that  children  of  the  same  chrono- 
logical age  vary  enormously  in  intelligence,  or  mental  age. 
I  have  indicated  that  in  an  average  group  of  one  hundred 
ten-year-old  school  cliildren,  we  may  expect  to  find  chil- 
dren  of  all  mental  ages  from  seven  to  thirteen.     Simi- 

Changes  in  the  Relative  Weights  of  the  Various  Parts    Sys- 
tems and   OrRans   of   Young   Albino   Rats    Held   at   Constant    Body 
Weight  by  I  nderf ceding  for  Various  Periods."  Journal  of  Experi- 
mental Zoology,  vol.  xix,  1915,  p.  153. 
•  Op.  cit.,  p.  397. 


VARIATION  IN  ANATOMICAL  AGE  107 

larly,  as  is  proved  by  data  in  the  following  chapter,  in 
any  large  school  system,  ten-year-old  children  may  \x 
found  in  all  grades  from  the  first  to  the  sixth,  and  this 
in  spite  of  a  certain  tendency  of  the  schools  to  force  all 
children  along  at  a  uniform  rate.  Thus,  both  in  mental 
age  and  school  grade,  ten-year-old  children  are  found 
distributed  over  a  range  equal  to  that  covered  by 
normal  children  diflfering  by  five  or  six  years  in 
chronological  age. 

This  variation  in  the  mental  ability  of  ten-year-old 
children,  large  as  it  is,  is  almost  equalled  by  that  in  ana- 
tomical age.  Measured  by  whatever  index,  the  anatomical 
ages  of  ten-year-old  children  distribute  themselves  over  a 
distance  which  it  takes  the  average  child  five  or  six  years 
to  traverse.  Such  great  deviations  from  normal  make  it 
highly  important  that  anatomical  age  be  taken  into  con- 
sideration in  estimating  the  child's  potentialities.  With- 
out a  knowledge  of  a  child's  anatomical  age,  we  cannot 
properly  appraise  his  mental  ability.  I  have  stated  that 
mental  age  has  significance  only  when  compared  with 
chronological  age.  It  acquires  its  trvie  significance,  how- 
ever, only  when  compared  with  anatomical  age.  It  is  con- 
sequently well  to  realize  how  greatly  children  of  the  same 
chronological  age  vary  in  anatomical  age.  I  shall  give 
illustrations  of  the  extent  of  this  variation  in  the  case  of 
all  tnree  of  the  commonly  used  indices — dentition,  pubes- 
cence, and  ossification  of  the  wrist  bones. 

In  the  table  showing  the  age  of  eruption  of  the  various 
permanent  teeth,  it  is  indicated  that  the  chronological 
age  at  which  a  given  tooth  will  erupt  in  twenty-five  per 
cent,  of  children  is  considerably  lower  than  the  age  which 
must  be  reached  before  it  will  be  present  in  seventy-five 

flPr  rpnt     r\T   +V><im        HTtio   /^iflFoi-<5t-ir.o.  Vw»«-...«»<».n   *V..^   4....^    «»».. 
.- —     ... .  ...     •;•  1 !  VI  i.ii-_\_    :.-vi->-.  •w-wi:    Liiv,    i'.w    ULIca 


io8 


ANATOMICAL  AGE 


IS  about  one  year  for  the  lirst  molars  and  the  incisors 
but  nicreases  to  two  years  or  over  for  the  remaining 
teeth;  so  that  we  may  say  that  witli  lifty  per  cent,  of  chil- 
dren, each  tooth  makes  its  appearance  during  an  age  inter- 
val of  one  or  two  years.    The  total  range  of  ages,  however 
at  which  a  tooth  may  appear  is  much  greater  than  this' 
iiie  upper  central  incisors,  for  example,  appear  in  some 
chi  dren  as  early  as  the  age  of  five  years  and  three  months. 
and  in  others  as  late  as  nine  years  and  nine  months,  thus 
covering  a  range  of  four  years  and  six  months.  '  The 
upper  lateral  incisors  cover  a  range  of  over  five  years, 
and  the  upper  premolars  and  canines  a  range  of  over 
six  years. 

The  older  the  normal  age  of  appearance  of  a  tooth  the 
greater  will  be  the  range  of  years  at  which  it  may  appear. 
Ihis  is  simply  one  aspect  of  the  general  law  that  differ- 
ences between  individuals  measured  in  terms  of  years  of 
development  tend  to  increase  as  the  individuals  grow  older 
Just  as  a  slight  difference  in  mental  age  at  the  earlier 
ages  is  the  equivalent  of  a  large  one  at  the  later  ages, 
so  docs  a  slight  difference  in  anatomical  age  at  the  earlier 
ages  predict  a  large  one  at  later  ages. 

In  regard  to  pulxiscence,  Crampton  has  found  that 
some  boys  cross  this  landmark  of  phvsical  development 
as  early  as  the  age  of  twelve  and  a  half,  while  others  do 
n.^t  do  so  before  the  age  of  seventeen  and  a  half  to 
eighteen.  There  is  a  variation,  then,  in  the  male  sex  alone, 
of  five  years.  Crampton  distinguishes  three  stages,  whicli 
he  calls  the  pre-pubescent,  the  pul)esccnt  and\h'e  post- 
pubescent.  The  percentage  of  boys  which  he  found  in  each 
of  these  three  stages  is  shown  in  the  following  table, 
covering  the  ages  of  twelve  and  a  half  to  eighteen." 

'Pedagogical  Seminary,  vol.  xv,  1908,  p.  232. 


VARIATION  IN  ANATOMICAL  AGE 


log 


Ai.E  OF  Pubescence  in  Boys 

Age  in  years 

Pre-pubescent 
(per  cent.) 

Pubescent 
(per  cent.) 

Pust-pubtscent 
(per  cent.) 

I2.5-I3.O 
I3O-I3.5 
13.5-14-0 
I4.O-14.5 

I4-5-I5-0 
150-15.5 
15.5-16.0 
16.0-16.5 
16.5-17.0 
17.0-17.5 
17.5-iS-o 

69 

55 

41 

26 

16 

9 

5 

2 

I 

0 

0 

25 
26 

28 

34 

24 

20 

10 

4 

4 

2 

0 

6 
18 

31 
40 
60 

?(> 
85 
93 
95 
98 
100 

To  givt  an  idea  of  the  variation  in  anatomical  age 
as  measured  by  the  development  of  the  carpal  bones,  I 
cannot  do  better  than  to  describe  the  results  of  an  inten- 
sive study  of  one  hundred  ten-year-old  school  children 
undertaken  at  my  suggestion  by  Mr.  Severson,  principal 
of  a  grade  school  in  the  city  of  Minneapolis.  The  Rontgen 
ray  photographs  of  these  ten-year-old  children  ditifered 
so  greatly  that  we  found  it  possible  to  distinguish  ten 
dififerent  stages  of  anatomical  age.  The  lowest  of  these 
^lasses  corresponds  to  that  shown  by  an  average  boy  of 
about  eight  years  of  age  (or  girl  of  seven)  and  the  high- 
est to  that  of  an  average  boy  of  about  fourteen  years 
(or  girl  of  twelve).  The  range  in  anatomical  age  of  our 
ten-year-old  group  then,  including  both  boys  and  girls,  is 
about  six  years. 

The  accompanying  photographs  show  what  radical 
variations  exist  in  the  anatomical  development  of  these 
children,  all  ten  years  old  chronologically.  The  highest 
class,  represented  by  radiograph  No.  i,  shows  a  good 
development  of  the  pisiform  bone,  the  last  of  the  eight 
carpals  to  ossify.     It  shows,  too,  a  very  good  develoi>- 


no 


ANATOMICAL  AGE 


met  of  the  ends,  or  epiphyses,  of  the  radius  (the  lar^e 
iorearm  bone)  and  of  the  uhu  (the  small  forea  n.  bonO 

^'t^::  T '''''''''  ''^'  ^^-^--^  -  ^-^  ti:i 

shatts.    .  Jl  the  carpal  bones  of  the  wrist  are  well  devel- 
oped  so  that  there  is  little  space  between  them.     It  may 

d^veTonfnen?7   ''''  '"'^  ^'^""^^^  ^'^'^^  "^  --ton'cal 
development  does  not  necessitate  a  large  hand     The  hand 

shown  m  radiograph  No.  i  is  small,  b'ut  letter  developed 
than  the  larger.  Nos.  2  and  3.  cvciopea 

Rajliofrraph  No.  2  represents  the  sixth  (countinfi  up 
from  the  lowest)  of  the  ten  classes  which  we  were  abt  to 

clasf:lich,r'':"-"°'''.^'-'"^'="-     "  ''  'he  lowest 
class  m  wh.ch  the  p.s.torni  is  plainly  evident.    The  pisi- 

coZr    fT,!  ""'"^/'  "  ''"■■''  ^P°'  ■>""£  l«l«v-  and  to  one 
corner  o   the  cunaform.    The  epiphyses,  particularly  tha 
of  the  ulna   are  very  poorly  developed  compared  wi* 
the.r  cond.fon  m  class  ten  (radiograph  No.  i) 

Radmgraph  No.  3  repu-sents  one  of  the  least  devel- 
oped ha^ds  m  the  entire  group  of  one  hundred.     There 
'■'  ^^solutely  no  trace  of  a  pisiform  bone,  and   what   ' 
much  more  sinking,  scarcely  more  than  a   peck  t™ 
sent  the  ep.pH  sis  of  the  ulna.    According  to  Pryor  ie 
ulnar  ep.phys.s  appears  typically  at  the  fge  of  s^x  and 
a  qua„er  m  prU,  and  seven  and  a  quarter  fn  boys     Th"s 
hand  docs  no.  correspond  to  an  age  much  above  these 
It  wdl  be  noted,  too,  that  some  of  the  other  bones  are 

'^JZlll'''"''''  -  ''-'  *-  -  '-»-  ^P-  .eft 

the!r  '^,"''™«^-I'  i^  'veil  known  that  girls  reach 
the  age  of  puberty  on  the  average  about  two  and  a  half 
years  earher  than  boys.    At  this  period  the  anatomica,  age 


i 


SEX  DIFFERENCES  m 

of  the  girl  is  clearly  vvdl  l^eyond  that  of  the  tey  of  the 
same  chrunological  age.  It  is  not  so  commonly  realized 
that  this  difference  Ijetween  the  sexes  in  anatomical  age 
IS  well  marked  by  the  end  of  the  first  year  of  life,  and 
that  it  is  present  in  ever  increasing  degree  from  the  first 
year  up  to  and  beyond  the  age  of  pulx^rty.  That,  however, 
IS  the  conclusion  to  which  leads  either  of  the  measures! 
eruption  of  teeth  or  the  ossification  of  carpals. 

A  comparison  of  the  sexes  as  regards  anatomical  age 
has  been  worked  out  in  some  detail  by  Pr>-or  on  the  basis 
of  carpal  ossification.     In  round  figures  he  finds  the  fol- 
lowing dififerences:  From  the  age  of  one  to  the  age  of 
two,  the  difference  in  anatomical  age  is  about  one-half 
year.     Anatomically,  the  girl  of  one  and  a  half  years  is 
as  old  as  the  boy  of  two.     This  difference  gradually 
mcreases.     At  the  age  of  four  the  girl  is  anatomically 
as  old  as  the  boy  of  five.    By  the  age  of  seven  and  a  half 
the  girl  is  as  old  anatomically  as  the  boy  of  nine,  and  by 
the  age  of  ten  and  a  quarter  she  is  as  old  as  the  boy  of 
twelve  and  three-quarters.     This  latter  difference  agrees 
with  that  displayed  at  puberty,  with  respect  to  which  we 
may  say  that  the  girl  of  twelve  and  a  half  is  as  old  as 
the  boy  of  fifteen. 

These  differences  may  be  summed  up  in  a  little  table, 
showing  at  what  ages  the  two  sexes  are  equal  in  ana- 
tomical age. 

The  table  shows  that  sex  differences,  like  individual 
differences,  increase  with  age.  A  similar  table  based  on 
dentition  would  corroborate  this  fact.  American  girls 
at  the  age  of  eleven  possess  on  the  average  21.3  per- 
manent teeth ;  the  boys  can  boast  only  17.3.^" 

iiCU**,  Op.   ci*-.,  p.   5y9. 


112 


ANATOMICAL  AGE 


Sex  Diffekenxes  in  Anatomic-vl  Age  as  Measured  by 
Ossification  of  the  Wrist  Bones 


Girl's  age 

Anatomically  cquivaltnt 
boy's  .iiit: 

Difference 

I  yr.    6  mos. 

2 

yrs.  0  mos. 

6  mos. 

2  yrs.  6  mos. 

3  yrs.  6  mos. 

3 
4 

yrs.  3  mos. 
yrs.  3  mos. 

9  mos. 
9  mos. 

4  yrs.  9  mos. 

5 

yrs.  9  mos. 

12  mos. 

b  yrs.  3  mos. 

7 

yrs.  3  mos. 

12  mos. 

7  yrs.  6  mos. 

9 

vrs.  0  mos. 

i8  mos. 

S  yrs.  6  mos. 

10 

yrs.  o  mos. 

1 8  mos. 

10  yrs.  3  mos. 

12 

yrs.  9  mos. 

30  mos. 

12  yrs.  6  mos. 

15 

yrs.  0  mos. 

30  mos. 

To  illustrate  the  difference  in  anatomical  age  between 
the  sexes,  I  have  chosen  two  Rontgen  photographs.  One 
of  these  shows  the  carpal  development  of  the  median  gi.i 
and  the  other  of  the  median  boy,  both  of  the  same  chro- 
nological age  group,  a  group  distributed  closely  around 
ten  and  a  half.  The  difference  between  the'^o  two  ront- 
genographs,  here  reproduced,  equals  about  two  years  of 
chronological  age.  The  pisiform  bone  in  the  girl's  hand 
(No.  4)  is  of  considerable  size,  though  it  does  not  stand 
out  clearly  in  the  photograph  because  it  is  behind  the 
cuneiform  lx)ne.  It  will  be  noted,  too,  that  the  general 
bone  development  is  much  better  in  the  girl's  wrist.  In 
particular,  the  epiphysis  of  the  ulna  is  thicker,  and  more 
closely  approaches  union  with  the  shaft.  In  the  boy's 
wrist  (No.  5)  there  is  only  a  vague  suggestion  of  the 
presence  of  the  pisiform  (an  indistinct,  dark  spot  at  one 
corner  of  the  cuneiform)  and  the  development  of 
tlie  other  carpal  bones  is  much  less  advanced  than  ii> 
the  girl's  wrist. 

Anatomical  Age  and  Mental  Ability. — Children  of 
the  same  chronological  age,  as  we  have  seen,  differ  con- 
spicuously in  both  anatomical  and  mental  age.    This  fact 


-•^ 

~t.    -' 

'^    0 

'~. 

X3 

.-  ■--; 

-ji  p 

'-  -1 

~  2. 

^ 

5  :r 

a> 

^  — • 

.     / 

■* 


ANATOMICAL  AGE  AND  MENTAL  ABILITY  113 

suggests  that  a  considerable  part  of  the  differences  in 
mental  age  may  be  due  to  diflferences  in  anatomical  age. 
Thus  the  differences  in  mental  age  may  not  always  signffy 
differences  in  brightness,  but  may  be  dae  simply  to  dif- 
ferences in  rapidity  of  growth— to  a  difference  in  the 
mental  and  physical  stage  already  reached  rather  than  a 
difference  in  the  final  level  to  be  attained. 

Anatomical  age  gives  in  physical  terms  alone  the  stage 
of  a  child's  development.  The  question  is,  Does  his  men- 
tal stage  correspond  to  his  physical?  Before  we  attempt 
to  answer  this  qu=^stion,  it  is  important  carefully  to  dis- 
tinguish between  mental  age  and  mental  stage. 

Children  read  different  final  levels  of  intelligence,  and 
at  different  rates.  We  may  consider  mental  growth  evi- 
denced by  children  of  different  degrees  of  brightness  as 
following  different  pathways,  some  of  which  lead  to  much 
higher  final  levels  than  others.  Now  whatever  the  final 
level  to  which  a  pathway  leads,  progress  along  it  may  be 
either  rapid  or  slow.  Consequently,  knowledge  of  the 
path  the  child  is  taking  is  a  different  thing  from  knowl- 
edge of  the  proportion  of  its  total  length  which  he  has 
covered.  Any  measure  which  indicates  whether  or  not 
the  child  is  following  a  high  path  or  a  low  path  is  a  meas- 
ure of  brightness ;  whereas  any  measure  of  the  proportion 
of  the  path  already  covered  at  a  given  time  is  a  measure 
of  mental  stage. 

Mental  age  reports  the  amount  of  a  child's  intelli- 
gence, but  not  the  proportion  of  his  final  incclligence 
attained.  It  is  true  that  from  mental  age  we  may  try  to 
determine  this  proportion  by  use  of  the  intelligence  quo- 
tient. But  when  we  do  this,  we  assume  that  all  children 
of  the  same  chronological  age  have  completed  the  same 
proportion  of  their  mental  development.     We  say.  for 

8 


[i 


.■f 


114 


ANATOMICAL  AGE 


example,  that  whatever  a  child's  mental  age  at  ten.  it  is 
ten-fourteenths  of  what  it  will  be  at  fourteen.  That  this 
assumption,  true  for  the  average,  is  erroneous  in  indi- 
vidual cases,  is  demonstrated  by  the  great  variation  in 
developmental  stage  of  children  of  the  same  chronological 
age.  We  must  seek  a  more  reliable  indicator  of  develop- 
mental progress  than  mere  chronological  age.  Now 
anatomical  age  furnishes  us  Avith  a  good  index  of  the 
stage  of  physical  development.  Can  we  not  stretch  its 
use  to  make  it  serve  as  an  indicator  of  the  stage  of 
mental  de\-elopment  ? 

The  surest  way  to  solve  this  problem  of  correspond- 
ence between  mental  stage  and  physical  stage  is  to  follow 
out  both  the  mental  and  physical  development  of  each  one 
of  a  large  group  of  children  from  an  early  age  to  maturity. 
Such  an  investigation  requires  a  number  of  years  and 
has  not  yet  been  made.     In  the  meantime,  light  is  shed 
on  the  question  by  ascertaining  whether  there  is  any 
considerable  correlation  between  mental   age  and  ana- 
tomical age  in  children  of  the  same  chronological  age. 
Such  a  correlation  would  indicate  that  mental  development 
tends  to  keep  pace  with  the  anatomical,  and  consequently 
that  anatomical  age  may  be  used  as  an  indicator  of  mental 
stage.    As  I  shall  show,  there  exists  a  very  decided  cor- 
relation.    It  cannot  be  explained  simply  on  the  assump- 
tion that  a  high  degree  of  brightness  is  accompanied  by 
an  advanced  anatomical  age;  for  there  exists  no  evidence 
that  superior  children  complete  their  anatomical  develop- 
ment earlier  than  the  dull  ones.    Its  explanation  lies  solely 
in  the  association  of  rapidity  of  anatomical  development 
with  rapidity  of  mental  development. 

I  %hall  first  cite  data  on  the  relation  of  mental  age  to 


ANATOMICAL  AGE  AND  MENTAL  ABILITY  115 

the  degree  of  development  shown  by  the  bones  of  the 
wrist.  In  the  case  of  ten-year-old  cliildren,  Mr.  Severson 
and  I  were  able  to  distinguish  ten  anatomical  classes.  To 
indicate  tlie  correlation  of  anatomical  stage  with  mental 
age,  we  made  a  table  showing  the  average  mental  age  of 
each  of  the  ten  anatomical  classes.  The  lowest  anatomical 
class  (figure  Xo.  7.  radiograph  No.  3)  load  an  average 
mental  age  of  exactly  nine  years.  The  highest  class 
(figure  No.  7,  radiograph  No.  i)  had  an  average  mental 
age  of  over  ten  yeais  and  eleven  months.  Variation  in 
anatomical  age,  in  children  of  the  same  chronological 
age,  thus  produced  a  variation  of  about  two  years  in 
mental  age. 

Our  observations  are  in  harmony  with  those  made  by 
R  and  others.    Rotch  cites  an  instance  of  three  boys 

o;  uie  third  grade.  Their  chronological  ages  were  seven, 
eight  and  nine  respectively.  Thus,  ni  mental  ability,  so 
far  as  could  be  judged  from  their  school  work,  they  were 
about  equal,  whereas  in  chronological  age  they  differed 
considerably.  The  Rontgen  pictures  showed  them  all  to 
be  equally  old  anatomically,  indicating  that  it  is  the  ana- 
tomical age,  rather  than  the  chronological,  which  corre- 
sponds with  mental  ability. 

That  mental  age  is  related  to  anatomical  is  shown  not 
only  by  its  relation  to  skeletal  development  but  b>  its  rela- 
tion to  the  development  of  the  teeth — as  discovered  by 
Bean,  in  a  study  of  the  children  in  the  public  schools  of 
Ann  Arbor,  Michigan.  Bean  called  that  grade  in  which 
were  found  the  majority  of  children  of  any  given  age  the 
modal  grade  for  that  age.  Pie  then  classified  the  children 
of  all  ages  from  seven  to  fourteen  inclusive  into  three 
groups:  those  who  were  in  the  modal  grade,  those  who 
were  aboz'c  it,  and  those  who  were  brh^v  it,     H^  sum=  uo 


tf 


"6  ANATOMICAL  AGE 

his  findings  in  the  statement  that  children  in  the  modal 
grade  have  an  average  of  eight-tenths  of  a  tooth  less  than 
those  who  are  above  the  modal  grade,  but  nine-tenths  of  a 
tooth  more  than  those  who  are  below  the  modal  grade." 
1  he  relation  of  anatomical  age  to  mental  age  is  seen 
also  in  the  relationship  of  pubescence  to  scholarship,  on 
which  very  decisive  data  have  been  gathered  by  Cramp- 
ton. '^  Pie  shows  that  bcn-s  of  the  same  chronological 
age  group  differ  with  resjcct  to  pubescence  according  to 
the  high  school  term  which  they  have  reached.  For  exam- 
ple, among  boys  between  the  chronological  ages  of  four- 
teen and  fourteen  and  a  half,  the  percentage  of  pre-pul)es- 
cents  in  the  more  advanced  terms  is  much  less  than  that 
in  the  first  term.  The  relation  l>etween  scholarship  and 
pubescence  in  these  boys  is  shown  in  the  following 
table,  which  is  typical  of  the  results  obtained  with  other 
age  groups : 

Relation-  of  Plt.escexce  to  SnioLARsinr  ix  Boys  A\'ERAf,iN-G  74  ^'. 
lEARs  IN  Chronological  Age 

High  Pchool  p 

„.  pre-pubcbcenta 

First   

Second    [ ,;'^ 

Third :;:::::;::; S 

Fourth  and  Fifth  '.'.I'.'.'.]]'.   16.7 

Crampton  also  compared  post-pubescents  with  pre- 
pubescents  of  each  age  with  respect  to  the  percentage 
gaining  promotion  or  failure  at  the  end  of  the  term.  For 
each  age  group  he  Ttund  that  the  percentage  gaining  pro- 
motion was  from  seven  to  ten  per  cent,  greater  for  the 
post-pul)cscents  than  for  the  pre-putescents. 

The  preceding  studies  show  that  in  whatever  manner 

"  Of',  cit..  J).  fti_^. 

" "  PhysioIoRical  A^e  "  Section  II.     American  Physical  Educa- 
ttoH  Keviezv.  vol.  xiii,  igo8,  pp.  224-227. 


HEIGHT  AND  WEIGHT 


117 


we  measure  anatomical  age,  we  find  it  correlated  with 
mental  ability.  We  must  conclude,  therefore,  that  the 
development  of  the  brain  and  of  intelligence  advances 
or  lags  with  acceleration  or  retardation  of  general 
lx>dily  development.  Whether  the  brightness  of  a  child 
is  high  or  low,  tlie  rapidity  with  which  he  completes 
his  mental  growth  is  correlated  with  tlie  rapidity  of  his 
anatomical  development. 

Relation  of  Height  and  Weight  to  Anatomical  Age 
and  to  Mental  Ability.— All  investigators  have  found  that 
height  and  weight  are  much  more  closely  related  to 
anatomical  age  than  to  chronological  age.  This  is  but 
natural.  The  more  advanced  a  child's  physical  develop- 
ment, the  taller  and  heavier  will  he  be.  Thus.  Crampton 
found  that  children  of  the  same  age  with  a  full  set  of 
permanent  canines  averaged  from  five  to  seventeen  pounds 
more  in  weight  and  from  one-half  an  inch  to  three  inches 
more  in  height  than  those  with  none."  He  found, 
similarly,  that  post-pubescents  average  twenty-four  to 
thirty-three  per  cent,  heavier  than  pre-pubescents  of 
the  same  age.*'* 

We  have  already  seen  that  mental  ability  varies  with 
anatomical  age.  It  is  reasonable,  therefore,  to  e.xpect  some 
correlation  between  mental  ability  and  height  and  weight. 
Such  correlation  is  now  well  confirmed.  Porter  found 
that  the  average  weight  of  eleven-year-old  boys  in  the 
sixth  grade  was  ten  pounds  greater  than  the  average  of 
those  of  the  same  age  in  the  first  grade.  Similar  results 
were  obtained  in  the  case  of  the  other  age  groups.*^ 

'•"The    Influence    of    Physiological    Age    Upon    Scholarship." 
Psychological  Clinic,  vol.  i,  1907,  p.  120. 
"Op.  cit..  p.  116. 
""  Growth  of  St.  Louis  Children."    Transactions  of  the  Academy 


'■•If! 


4 


*  01.      V  i. 


ii8 


ANATOMICAL  AGE 


The  average  height  and  weight  of  the  feeble-minded 
IS  less  than  that  of  normal  children,  and  their  divergence 
trom  the  normal  increases  with  the  severity  of  their  men- 
tal defectiveness. »«     On  the  other  hand,   exceptionally 
bright  children  average  somewhat  above  normal  children 
m  height  and  weight.    In  this  connection,  it  is  interesting 
to  note  that  the  children  of  professional  men  are  taller 
and  heavier  than  those  of  the  less  favored  laboring  class  ^^ 
I  have  already  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  child- 
ren of  the  professional  classes  are  brighter  than  those 
of  the  laboring  classes.     It  is  clear,  then,  that  a  hi-her 
degree  ot  brightness  goes  hand  in  hand  with  a  better 
physical  development.' 

The  Educational  Value  of  Measurements  of  Ana- 
tonucaJ  Age.— Knowledge  of  anatomical  age  has  a  decided 
val'ie  from  the  standpoint  of  education.  It  is  useful  in 
the  diagnosis  of  a  child's  abilities,  physical  and  mental  in 
the  forecasting  of  his  future  development  and  in  planning 
and  regulating  his  education.  It  also  solves  some  educa- 
tional problems  that  have  hitherto  been  puzzling. 

Of  first  importance  is  the  use  that  should  be  made  of 
anatomical  age  in  deciding  whether  or  not  a  child's  men- 
tal development  is  normal.  The  problem  is  just  how 
to  employ  anatomical  age  in  the  estimate  of  a  child's  true 
brightness.  Brightness,  as  here  used,  is  measured  by  the 
intelligence  quotient ;  that  is.  by  mental  age  divided  by 
chronological  age.  The  question  arises,  should  we  not 
substitute  anatomical  age  for  chronological  age  in  calcu- 


MEASUREMENTS  OF  ANATOMICAL  AGE     119 

lating  the  intelligence  quotient?  The  answer  must  be 
negative.  The  relation  between  anatomical  age  and  men- 
tal age  is  not  close  enough  to  justify  substituting  anatomi- 
cal age  for  chronological.  A  large  difference  in  anatomical 
age  in  children  of  the  same  chronological  age  brings  about 
only  a  comparatively  small  difference  in  mental  age.  The 
solution  lies  in  the  correction  of  chronological  age 
by  the  anatomical,  not  the  siihstittition  of  anatomical 
for  chronological. 

It  is  difficult  at  present  to  state  exactly  what  correction 
should  be  made.  1  wish,  however,  to  emphasize  that  we 
should  not  expect  the  average  or  normal  child's  mentality 
to  agree  with  his  anatomical  age,  if  the  latter  differs 
widely  from  his  chronological  age.  All  that  we  should 
expect,  if  the  child  is  normal,  is  that  his  mental  age  should 
deviate  somewhat  from  his  chronological,  in  the  direction 
of  his  anatomical  age.  If  I  were  to  estimate  how  large  this 
deviation  of  his  mental  age  from  his  chronological  should 
be,  I  would  say  about  one-third  as  great  as  the  deviation 
of  his  anatomical  age  from  his  chronological.  This  ratio 
is  based  on  the  data  presented  earlier  in  this  chapter, 
showing  that  differences  of  anatomical  age  amounting  to 
as  much  as  six  years  in  a  group  of  one  hundred  children, 
entailed  differences  in  mental  age  of  only  two  years. 

If,  then,  by  inspection  of  his  teeth  or  by  a  radiograph 
of  his  wrist  bones,  we  find  that  a  child's  anatomical  age 
is  above  his  chronological,  we  should  consider  the  child 
to  be  somewhat  older  chronologically  than  he  really  is; 
whereas,  if  he  is  retarded  in  anatomical  age,  we  should 
consider  him  somewhat  younger  than  he  really  is. 

That  a  knowledge  of  anatomical  age  is  also  of  great 
value  in  preventing  mental  and  physical  overstrain,  has 


Z30 


ANATOMICAL  AGE 


to  Rotch,  a  very  large  proportion  of  the  nervous  and 
physical  troubles  of  children  are  due  to  overstrain  caused 
by  forced  conforming  with  general  surroundings  and 
school  work  not  adapted  to  their  needs.  It  is  probably  con- 
servative to  say  that  when  a  child's  anatomical  age  is  less 
than  his  chronological,  attention  should  be  devoted  pri- 
marily to  his  health.  Such  a  child,  no  matter  how 
precocious  he  may  be.  should  not  be  urged  on  in  his 
school  work,  but  given  plenty  of  systematic  exercise  and 
rest,  a  thorough  medical  examination,  and,  if  needed, 
medical  treatment. 

To  illustrate  more  in  detail  the  application  of  a 
knowledge  of  anatomical  age.  Terman  may  be  quotcnl : 
"  Let  us  imagine,"  he  writes,  "  two  girls  in  a  fourth  grade 
class  who  are  a  little  slow  in  their  work  and  alwut  the 
advisability  of  whose  year-end  promotion  the  teacher  is  in 
some  doubt.  Both  pupils,  let  us  say,  are  not  so  low  in 
their  marks  but  that  they  might  be  expected,  \vith  con- 
siderable extra  effort,  to  carry  the  work  of  the  following 
grade  if  promoted.  But  would  it  be  wise  to  have  the  child 
risk  the  extra  effort  this  w^ould  require?  We  cannot 
answer  this  question  on  the  basis  of  weight,  height, 
strength  of  grip,  or  the  presence  or  absence  of  external 
physical  defectiveness.  But  if  radiographs  should  reveal 
that  one  of  the  girls  is  a  year  ahead  of  her  age  in  the 
physiological  development  and  that  the  other  is  a  year  in 
retard,  there  would  then  be  little  doubt  about  the  wisdom 
of  risking  promotion  in  the  former  case  and  denying  it 
in  the  latter.  A  few  years  hence,"  he  concludes,  "  may 
see  the  installation  of  the  Rontgen  apparatus  in  the 
hygiene  departments  of  all  cities  vi'here  school  medical 
supervision  is  practiced."  ^* 


"  "  T*Vi»   W, 


^f    *V,»    Q^Ur 


MEASUREMENTS  OF  ANATOMICAL  AGE 


131 


Besides  cnaljlinp-  us  I:>etter  to  appraise  a  child's  capaci- 
ties, anatomical  age,  as  I  have  stated,  offers  an  explana- 
tion of  some  puzzling  educational  problems.  One  of  the 
most  baflling  of  these,  a  perennial  source  of  discussion, 
is  the  fact  that  girls  do  Ix^tter  in  school  than  Ixiys.  Why 
do  girls  obtain  better  marks,  fail  less  often  and  show 
a  smaller  percentage  of  elimination  from  school  than 
boys?  I  am  convinccfl  that  these  evidences  of  mental 
superiority  are  more  than  accounted  for  by  the  superior 
anatomical  age  of  tlie  girls.  We  constantly  compare  girls 
with  Ixiys  who  anatomically  are  a  year  or  two  yoimger. 
It  is  unnecessary  and  altogether  groundless  to  assume,  as 
is  so  often  done,  that  the  schools  are  better  adapted  to  a 
girl's  type  of  mind  than  to  a  boy's,  or  that  the  prepon- 
derance of  women  teachers  in  our  schools  gives  the  girls 
an  advantage  over  their  classmates  of  the  opposite  sex. 
It  is  necessary,  however,  to  concede  that  girls  are  more 
intelligent  than  boys,  because  an  advantage  in  anatomical 
age  could  not  account  for  superior  scholarship  unless  it 
carried  with  it  an  advantage  in  mental  ability.  Now,  is  it 
conceivable  that  girls  are  more  intelligent  than  boys? 
However  reluctant  the  confident  male  may  be  to  make  this 
admission,  the  facts  demand  it.  As  I  have  pointed  out 
in  a  previous  chapter,  the  best  data  at  hand  show  that 
throughout  the  grades  girls  have  a  slightly  higher  mental 
age  than  boys  of  the  same  chronological  age. 

This  surprising  proof,  that  girls  are  more  intelligent 
than  boys  should  not  be  misunderstood.  Girls  are  more 
intelligent  than  boys  only  when  the  comparison  is  based, 
as  it  usually  is,  on  chronological  age.  T')Ut  allowance  must 
l)e  made  for  the  greater  anatomical  age  of  the  girls.  To 
be  actually  thq  mental  equal  of  the  boys,  the  girls  should 


•  i  : 


122 


ANATOMICAL  AGE 


as  they  do  in  anatomcal  aye!  Now.  the  aveiage  girl 
of  ten  is  about  twenty-four  mcniths  ahead  of  the  average 
boy  in  anatomical  age.  One-third  of  twenty-four  months 
is  eight  niunths.  To  \yc  the  boy's  mental  cciual.  then,  the 
ten-year-old  girl  should  show  a  mental  advance  of  eight 
months  over  the  lx)y.  Certainly,  she  is  not  this  far  ahead 
of  him.  She  does  not  exceed  him  mentally  by  more  than 
four  or  five  months.  Consequently,  we  may  conclude  that 
when  proper  allowance  is  made  for  the  girls'  superiority  in 
anatomical  age,  they  will  be  found  slightly  less  intelligent 
than  the  boys. 


CHAPTER  VII 

PEDAGOGICAL  AGE 

Definition  of  Pedagogical  Age  on  the  Basis  of  "  Nor- 
mal "  Ages. — There  has  long  existed  an  educational  tra- 
dition that  the  proper  age  for  entering  sciiool  is  six,  and 
that  after  entrance  progress  should  be  made  at  the  rate 
of  one  grade  a  year.  The  officers  of  our  schools  are  in 
the  habit  of  speaking  of  the  age  of  six  as  the  "  nornial  " 
age  of  a  child  in  the  first  grade;  of  seven  as  the  normal 
age  in  the  second;  and  so  on,  allowing  one  additional 
year  for  each  additional  grade,  .\ccording  to  this  theory, 
there  is  a  normal  age  for  each  grade.  .A.  child  who  is 
over  the  normal  for  his  grade  is  called  retarded,  or 

l)clow  grade,  and  o.     ..       -■  under  the  normal  age  is  called 
advanced,  or  above  grade 

It  is  the  usual  thing  to  a.,  nv  an  extra  year  in  the  way 
of  a  concession  to  the  child.  In  this  way,  a  child  in  the 
iirst  grade  is  not  retarded  unless  he  is  eight  years  of  age 
or  over.  To  concede  this  additional  year  is  no  more 
than  fair,  providing  the  ages  are  taken  in  the  month  of 
June  or  near  the  close  of  the  year,  as  they  should  be. 
This  becomes  evident  if  we  consider  what  is  meant  by  the 
statement  that  a  child  should  enter  school  at  the  age  of 
six.  The  age  of  six  may  mean  anything  from  six  to  seven. 
A  child  entering  at  the  age  of  six  may,  then,  be  entering 
actually  at  the  age  of  six  years  and  eleven  months.  At 
the  end  of  the  school  year,  he  will  be  nine  months  older- 
seven  years  and  eight  months.  It  would  hardly  be  fair  to 
call  this  child  retarded.  If  we  neglect  fractions  of  a  year 

123 


"4  PEDAGOGICAL  AGE 

we  cannot  call  a  child  in  the  first  grade  retarded  unless  he 
is  eight  or  over. 

Allowing  the  child  an  extra  year,  we  o!)tain  the  fol- 
lowing standard  of  "  ut)rmal  "  ages  for  each  grade: 

Grado  k-  i 

rs  urnial  agos 

'  6  or  7 

\  7  or  8 

I  8  -r  g 

't  0  or  lo 

-■  lo  or  II 

_  II  (ir  \2 

\  i-i  or  13 

13  or  14 

-  -'  ^  standard  is  more  widely  accepted  than  any  other, 
ana  .  spite  of  its  lack  of  precision  as  c.jinpared  with 
the  norms  that  have  been  established  for  mental  tests,  it 
is  a  very  useful  one.  It  affords  the  best  basis  for  a  defini- 
tion of  pedagogical  age.  On  this  basis,  we  may  define 
the  pedagogical  age  of  a  child  as  the  "  normal  age  "  of 
the  school  grade  which  he  has  attained.  Thus,  if  a  child 
is  in  the  fourth  grade,  pedagogically  he  is  nine  or  ten 
years  of  age,  since  nine  and  ten  are  the  normal  ag^^  for 
the  fourth  grade.  If  the  child's  chronological  age  happens 
also  to  be  either  nine  or  ten,  the  child  is  said  to  Ixi  of 
normal  pedagogical  age,  or  in  the  normal  grade  for  his 
age;  if  his  chronological  age  is  over  ten.  he  is  p-^dagogi- 
cally  retarded,  c^r  below  grade;  whereas  if  his  chrono- 
logical age  is  less  than  nine,  he  is  pedagogically  advanced, 
or  alj(jve  grade. 

It  is  impossible  to  be  too  careful  in  distinguishing 
between  the  terms  alx)ve  grade  and  below  grade,  on  the 
one  hand,  and  superior  and  dull  on  the  other.  Recent 
statistical  investigations  have  shown  that  the  theoretically 
normal  ages  are  not  quite  those  of  the  average  cliild.    The 


RETARDATION  AND  ADVANCEMENT        125 

average  child  does  not  measure  up  to  the  ideal  standard. 
Consequently,  ".-hen  a  child  falls  below  the  grade  in  which 
he  should  be  according  to  the  theoretical  standard,  he  is 
not  called  dull  nor  mentally  retarded.  He  is  siir^dy  peda- 
gogically  retarded.  While  many  mentally  retarded  chil- 
dren are  below  grade,  certainly  many  are  below  grade 
who  are  not  mentally  retarded.  It  is  probable  that  the 
children  who  are  above  grade  are,  for  the  most  part,  alx)ve 
normal  in  brightness;  but  many  children  who  are  above 
normal  in  brightness  never  rank  alcove  grade.  It  is  clear, 
th.n,  that  the  relation  between  a  child's  mental  age  and 
his  pedagogical  age  always  has  to  be  determined  by  in- 
vestigation; it  can  never  be  taken  for  granted. 

The  Prevalence  of  Pedagogical  Retardation  and 
Advancement. — The  pedagogical  standing  of  school  chil- 
dren has  been  u^e  subject  of  several  elatorate  investi- 
gations. Careful  inquiry  has  been  made  into  the  number 
of  ■  'dren  pedagogically  normal,  retarded  or  advanced. 
\t.y  serious  conditions  have  been  discovered  which  raise 
some  of  the  most  deeply  rooied  problems  in  psychology 
and  education,  problems  which  we  are  only  beginning 
to  solve. 

A>/es,  in  a  now  famous  investigation,  found  that,  on 
the  average,  about  one-third  of  all  the  pupils  in  our  city 
public  .-chools  belong  to  the  retarded  or  above  age  class.^ 
The  later  results  of  Strayer,^  based  on  investigations  in 
384  cities,  agree  substantially  with  those  of  Ay  res,  though, 
to  be  exact,  they  show  a  slightly  greater  percentage  of 
retardation.  The  percentage  of  retardation  is,  of  course, 
not  the  same  in  all  schools,  hut  sh< -vs  great  variation. 

'  Ayres,  "  Laugards  in  Our  Schools,"  looo.  p.  3. 

'Strayer,  "  A^e  and  Grade   Census  of    Schools  and   Colleges," 

JJnilfd  Statt^x  Rurrnu.  nf  Frlurnfinti    RulL'tin    rni  r     Vr>    r    n    t/-v> 


.1.4 


^/f 


1^' 


ia6 


PEDAGOGICAL  AGE 


Ayres  found  the  percentage  as  low  as  7.5  in  Bedford 
Alassachusetts,  and  as  high  as  75.8  in  the  colored  schools 
of  Memphis,  Tennessee. 

To  understand  the  real  extent  of  pedagogical  retarda- 
tion, let  us  consider  what  it  means  to  say  that  c"e-third 
of  American  city  school  children  are  retarded.    It  means 
that  probably  a  decided  majority  of  all  the  children  enter- 
n^.g  the  schools  of  die  average  city  will  not  finish  tlie  eighth 
grade  by  the  age  at  whirh  they  should  "  normally  "  finish. 
A  number  who  become  badly  retarded  simply  never  finish 
the  eighth  grade  at  all.  but  drop  out ;  and  if  to  this  number 
are  added  those  who  do  finish  but  only  after  they  are  over 
age,  we  find  usually  that  the  total  is  well  over  one-half 
the  number  of  children  entering  the  system.     Moreover, 
many  children  who  are  retarded  become  badly  retarded.' 
Of  all  retarded  children  in  a  school  system  nearly  half 
show  two  or  more  years  of  retardation.     By  counting 
up  the  total  of  years  of  retardation,  consequently,  we 
obtain    a    much    larger    numlier   than    the    number   of 
children  retarded. 

Retardation  begins  in  the  first  grade  ana  increases 
rapidly.  When  we  give  the  average  of  retardation  as  one- 
third,  this  .neans  that  one-third  of  all  the  children  are 
retarded,  including  even  those  in  the  first  grade,  who  have 
had  httle  time  to  become  retarded.  Now  statistics  uni- 
formly show  that  most  of  the  children  who  once  become 
retarded  stay  retarded.  Moreover,  with  each  additional 
grade,  additional  pupils,  on  account  of  failure,  jecome 
retarded.  Consequently,  the  percentage  of  retarded  chil- 
dren in  a  grade  continues  to  increase  from  the  first  grade 
up  to  the  higher  grades.  It  would  keep  on  increasing 
clear  up  to  the  eighth  grade,  except  for  the  fact  that  many 
retarded  children  (far  more  of  the  retarded  than  of  the 


RETARDATION  AND  ADVANCEMENT       127 

others)  drop  out  from  one  of  the  last  two  or  three  grades. 
In  many  schools,  not  over  ;e-half  the  total  numlier  enter- 
ing finish  the  eighth  graac  Discouragement,  economic 
pressure  at  home,  ojid  the  failure  of  the  truancy  laws 
permit  of  an  extensive  process  of  dropping  out  or  "  ehmi- 
nation."  This  elimination,  and  the  further  fact  that  elimi- 
nation is  most  marked  among  the  retarded,  accounts  for 
the  tendency  of  retardation  percentages  to  remain  con- 
stant or  to  show  a  shrinkage  beyond  the  fifth  or  sixth 
grade.  That  the  percentage  of  retardation  reaches  its 
maximum  as  early  as  the  fifth  or  sixth  grade  does  not 
mean  that  in  the  last  two  or  three  grades  there  are  no  new 
children  added  to  the  ranks  of  the  retarded.  New  ones 
are  added ;  but  they  merely  take  the  place  of  others  who 
have  dropped  out. 

Contrasted  with  the  great  mass  of  pedagogically 
retarded  cliildren,  the  number  who  are  pedagogically 
advanced  is  discouragingly  small.  According  to  statistics 
from  Minnesota  schools  there  are  eight  retarded  children 
to  one  who  is  advanced;  ^  and  according  to  the  statistics 
of  Strayer  ■*  this  ratio  is  alwut  the  average  for  the  cities 
of  the  United  States.  Thus,  by  the  prevailing  school 
standards,  there  are  eight  times  as  many  retarded  children 
as  advanced  children.  A  moment's  thought  shows  that 
this  is  an  extremely  serious  condition.  We  have  seen  in 
preceding  chapters  that  so  far  as  mental  ability  is  con- 
cerned, there  are  very  nearly  the  same  number  of  children 
alx)ve  the  average  as  l>elow  it,  the  same  numljcr  of  superior 
as  of  dull.  Clearly,  then,  when  we  find  eight  children 
who  arc  below  grade  to  one  who  is  above,  we  may  be 

•  F.  E.  Lurton,  "  A  Study  of  Retardation  in  the  Schools  of  Minne- 
sota. '    Science,  191 1,  p.  786. 

*  Op,  cit.,  p.  103. 


[28 


PEDAGOGICAL  AGE 


sure  tliat  children  are  not  being  properly  classified  in  the 
grades  of  the  public  schools. 

The  figures  wou.J  not  Ix  so  alarming  if  thr  superior 
children,  while  not  advanced  in  grade,  were  vet  given  dif- 
ferent or  more  difficult  ^^•..rk.  ,jr  held  up  to  higher  stand- 
ards. 1  his  IS  not  the  case.  As  a  rule  J  f  any  special  pro- 
vision at  all  IS  made  for  the  exceptionally  bright  children, 
It  IS  simi)ly  some  arrangement  whereby  they  can  skip  a 
grade  or  a  half-grade. 

Our  sclKools  are  plainly  much  Ijetter  adapted  to  the 
discovery  of  dullness  than  of  exceptional  brightness  If 
a  child  can  cover  one  grade's  work  in  one  year  he  can 
keep  step  with  the  procession;  there  is  little  q)i>ortu- 
nity  to  do  more;  aiul  if  he  cannot  make  progress  at  the 
standard  rate,  he  mu>t  fall  behind.  The  standard  is  a 
httle  too  hard  lor  the  average,  so  that  the  number  who 
fall  behind  exceeds  the  number  who  remain  "  normal  " 
The  system  in  vogue  in  the  public  schools  results  in  a  classi- 
fication of  children  whereby  the  majority  are  retarded  by 
the  age  of  fifteen,  and  the  minority  norma].  The  exist- 
ence of  a  large  class  of  children  superior  to  the  normal  is 
I)ractically  ignored. 

Elimination  as  Studied  by  Age  and  Grade  Distribu- 
tions.—The  subject  c;f  pedagogical  retardation  is  closelv 
related  t-  that  of  climinati(jn  from  school.  It  will  be 
%vell,  therefore,  before  proceeding  to  a  further  analysis  of 
retardatu)n.  brielly  to  review  the  facts  concerning  elimina- 
tion. These  facts  are  best  brought  out  by  the  study  of 
tables,  known  as  age  and  grade  distributions,  which  show 
lor  an  entire  school  or  an  entire  school  system  the  number 
of  children  ot  each  age  in  each  of  the  grades.  A  fairly 
typical  sample  is  the  accompanying  one.  showing  the  age 
and  grade  distribution  of  all  the  white  children  in  the 


AGE  AND  GRADE  DISTRIBUTIONS  129 

regular  elementary  schools  of  the  city  of  St.  Louis  at 
the  end  of  the  scliool  year.^ 

It  will  l^e  observed  that  the  totals  at  the  right  give 
ihe  nunil)cr  of  children  of  each  age  in  the  school  system, 
(jr,  in  other  words,  tlie  age  distribution.  The  totals  at  the 
bottom  give  the  number  of  children  in  each  grade,  or  the 
grade  distribution.  The  number  of  children  who  are  nor- 
mal in  age  for  their  grade  is  given  in  numbers  between 
the  heavy  staircase  lines.  All  those  above  the  upper 
heavy  line  are  advanced,  or  under  age,  and  all  those  telow 
the  lower  heavy  line  are  retarded,  or  over  age.  The  total 
number  of  advanced  children  is  2001,  or  3.2  per  cent., 
while  the  total  number  of  retarded  is  just  ten  times  as 
great,  20,227,  or  32.2  per  cent. 

Examination  of  the  number  of  children  of  each  age, 
reveals  that,  as  in  the  great  majority  of  American  city 
schools,  the  number  of  children  of  each  age  is  fairly  con- 
stant from  the  ages  of  seven  to  twelve  inclusive.  Nearly 
all  the  children  are  in  school  by  the  age  of  seven,  and 
nearly  all  remain  there  through  the  age  of  twelve.  With 
a  stationar)'  population,  then,  it  would  be  reasonable  to 
expect  the  age  groups  seven  to  twelve  to  remain  roughly 
the  same.  The  only  factor  to  cause  variation  would  l>e 
the  population  factor.  This  factor  is  regulated  by  two 
elements,  death,  and  the  number  of  children  l>orn  in  each 
succeeding  ytar.  The  population  factor  tends  to  bring 
it  about  that  there  are  in  the  community  fewer  twelve- 
year-old  children  than  seven-year-old  children.  This  is 
partly  because  a  larger  percentage  of  children  die  by  the 
age  of  twelve  than  by  the  age  of  seven,  and  Ix-cause,  if 
the  community  has  been  growing,  a  smaller  number  of 

"Sixty-Second  Annual  Report  of  the  Board  of  Education  of  the 
City  of  St.  Louis,  Mis.^ouri,  for  the  year  endine  Tun?  ■'.o.  !0i6.  n.  '?22. 


13° 


PEDAGOGICAL  AGE 


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« 

AGE  AND  GRADE  DISTRIBUTIONS 


131 


children  were  born  in  it  twelve  years  ego  than  seven  years 
ago.  Ayres  calculates  that,  on  account  of  these  two 
factors  alone,  it  is  reasonable  to  exj^ect  a  decrease  of  over 
10  per  cent,  in  the  number  of  children  as  we  pass  from 
seven  to  fourteen  years  of  age. 

In  the  average  city,  children  begin  to  drop  out  of  school 
at  the  age  of  thirteen.  Usually  only  a  small  percentage 
are  eliminated  at  as  early  an  age  as  thirteen,  but  during 
the  ages  of  fourteen,  fifteen  and  sixteen,  elimination  is 
extensive.  After  the  age  of  sixteen,  only  a  small  frac- 
tion remain.* 

Age  distributions  are  often  used  as  a  basis  upon  which 
to  estimate  the  number  of  children  entering  the  school 
system  each  year.  This  may  Ixi  taken  as  approximately 
equal  to  tlie  average  of  the  number  at  each  of  those  ages, 
usually  seven  to  twelve,  at  which  the  number  tends  to 
remain  constant.  For  example,  from  the  St.  Louis  age 
and  grade  distribution  we  could  determine  the  numl^er  of 
white  children  entering  the  system  each  year  for  the  past 
few  years  by  taking  the  average  of  the  age  groups  seven 
to  twelve  inclusive.  We  would  thus  find  that  the  number 
entering  each  year  was  alx)ut  7600. 

Turning  now  to  the  distribution  of  children  by  grades, 
it  is  interesting  to  note  how  the  size  of  each  grade  compares 
with  the  number  known  or  supposed  to  Ix?  eacK  year 
entering  the  school.  As  a  rule  the  number  of  children 
in  each  of  the  first  four  grades  is  considerably  greater 
than  the  number  entering.  All  the  children  who  enter 
remain  at  least  through  these  grades,  and  they  pile  up  in 
numbers  because  they  are  held  back  by  failure  to  pass. 
The  fifth  grade  is  typically  alwut  equal  in  size  to  the  num- 
ber entering;  the  sixth  grade  usually  shows  a  falling  ofiF; 

"See  Strayer.  op.  cit.,  pp.  29-44. 


41- 


k 


132 


PEDAGOGICAL  AGE 


and  be>-oncl  this,  the  size  of  each  grade  decreases  until  in 
the  eighth  grade  there  are  on  the  average  scarcely  more 
than  half  the  number  entering.  These  figures  mean  that 
American  city  schools  on  the  average  tend  to  carry  nearly 
all  their  children  into  the  fifth  grade,  but  scarcelv  more 
than  half  of  them  through  the  eighth  grade.  I'l-uni  one- 
tenth  to  one-twentieth  of  the  numl^r  entering  the  grades 
reach  the  fourth  year  of  the  high  school.  Cities  differ 
widely,  however,  with  respect  to  their  ability  to  hold  chil- 
dren th.  ough  the  higher  grades. 

The  Relation  of  Elimination  to  Pedagogical  Retarda- 
tion.—The   facts  of  elimination,  which  have  now  been 
briefly  reviewed,  need  always  to  Ik-  kept  in  mind  in  con- 
sidering statistics  on  pedagogical  retardation.     It  is  elimi- 
nation alone  which  keeps  the  percentage  of  retardation 
from  mounting  up  to  well  over  fifty  per  cent,  in  the  eighth 
grade.    In  the  St.  Louis    .hools,  for  which  I  have  given 
an  age  and  grade  distribution,  it  may  be  noted  that,  as 
early  as  the  fourth  grade,  the  percentage  of  retarded  chil- 
dren has  climbed  up  to  45.    At  the  eighth  grade  it  has  com? 
down  to  28.     Now  shall  we  conclude  that  in  the  upper 
grades,  a  great  many  retarded  children  catch  up  to  grade? 
Some  do.  but  they  are  the  exceptions.    The  decrease  in  the 
percentage  of  retardation  is  due  not  to  catching  up,  but  to 
elimination.     It  is  easy  to  show  that  were  it  not   for 
elimination,  something  like  55  per  cent,  of  the  children 
m  the  eighth  grade  would  be  retarded,  simply  by  determin- 
ing what  percentage  of  the  number  entering  finish  the 
eighth  grade  at  or  below  the  normal  ages.     The  number 
entering,  as  already  pointed  out.  may  be  taken  roughly  as 
7600.     The  number  in  the  eighth  grade  at  or  below  the 
normal  ages,  as  indicated  by  the  age  and  grade  distrilni- 
tion,  is  3388,  or  about  45  per  cent,  of  the  number  enterine= 


CAUSES  OF  PEDAGOGICAL  RETARDATION    133 

The  remaining  55  per  cent,  either  never  reach  the  eighth 
grade  or  else  are  over  age  when  they  do  so  In  the 
St.  Louis  schools,  then,  which  show  a  percentage  of 
rctarc'  ition  of  32.2,  ceitainly  well  over  half  of  the  children 
fail  to  complete  the  eighth  grade  before  the  age  of  fifteen. 

In  the  average  American  city  school,  the  majority  of 
children  are  retarded  by  the  time  they  reach  the  eighth 
grade  or  would  be  did  they  stay  in  school  until  they 
reached  that  grade.  In  Minnesota  a  state-wide  investiga- 
tion was  ctjnducted  several  years  ago  by  a  joint  committee 
of  school  superintendents  and  psychologists.  On  the  basis 
of  age  and  grade  distributions,  it  was  concluded  that  over 
seventy  per  cent,  of  the  children  in  the  schools  considered 
in  the  committee's  report  '  failed  to  complete  the  eighth 
grade  by  the  age  of  fifteen.  It  is  conservative  to  say 
of  schools  which  show  a  proportion  of  retardation  as  great 
as  the  average,  namely,  a  proportion  of  slightly  over  one- 
third,  that  from  fifty  to  seventy  per  cer.t.  of  the  children 
are  failing  to  meet  the  theoretical  expectation  that  they 
will  finish  the  eighth  grade  at  the  age  of  fifteen.  To  attack 
the  problem  of  pedagogical  retardation,  therefore,  is  to 
attack  the  problem  of  the  fifty  to  seventy  per  cent,  who 
do  not  fit  our  present  school  system. 

Causes  of  Pedagogical  Ret  'ation. — Since  pedagogi- 
cal retardation  means  simply  a  lack  of  adjustment  between 
the  child  and  the  school,  we  may  regard  as  responsible  for 
its  causation  either  the  child  or  the  school.  The  causes 
attributable  to  the  school  are  more  easily  changed  than 
those  within  the  child.  We  shall  consider  first  the  less 
remediable  causes,  those  resident  in  the  child.     Of  these, 

'  Report  of  the  Joint  Committee,  iqii.  The  members  of  the  com- 
mittee were  Superintendents  S.  L.  Heeter  and  F.  E.  Lurton.  Prin. 
cipai  .\.  (j.  Giiette.  and  Herbert  Woodrow. 


Ij 


-ih 


134 


PEDAGOGICAL  AGE 


those  which  have  been  most  carefully  investigated  are 
sex,  health  and  freedom  fn.m  physical  defects,  nationalitv 
regularity  oi  attendance,  intelligence  and  personality. 

As  far  as  sex  is  concerned,  it  has  been  found  that  girls 
iTiake  more  regular  progress  through  the  grades  than  boys 
Ihe  boys  show  a  larger  percentage  of  repeaters  and  a 
larger  percentage  of  retardation  than  the  girls    while  a 
smaller  pn.portion  of  boys  than  girls  remain  in  school  to 
the  eighth  grade.*^     These  facts  establish  the  conclusion 
that  the  school  achievements  of  girls  are  better  than  those 
ot  boys.     I  reterred  to  this  matter  in  the  discussion  of 
anatomical  age.    In  that  connection  an  explanation  was 
offered.     It  is  simply  that  the  girls  develop  at  a  more 
rapid  rate,  so  that  as  a  rule  they  are  anatomically  older 
than  the  boys  ot  the  same  chronological  age.    And  their 
greater  success  in  school  is  fundamentally  due  to  the  fact 
that  their  mental  development  tends  to  keep  pace  with 
their  anatomical  development.     Xo  doubt  other  factor^ 
come  in.  particularly  in  the  reasons  why  girls  show  a 
smaller  percentage  of  elimination  than  boys.     The  -iris 
are  not  subjected  to  the  same  economic  pressure  to  leave 
school  in  order  to  take  a  money-earning  job 
_      The  relation  of  physical  defects  to  intelligence  and 
incidentally,  to  success  in  school,  has  been  discussed  in  a 
previous  chapter.     All    investigations  agree  that   such 
defects  are  important  in  helping  to  produce  failure  in 
school  work      In  general,  those  children  who  fail  most 
frequently  show  the  largest  numl^r  of  physical  defects, 
and  their  defects  are  usually  more  severe.    The  child  with- 
out physical  defects  has  a  slightly  greater  chance  than  the 
one  ^v,th  them,  of  passing  through  the  grades  without  a 
failure.    In  certain  cases  physical  defects  may  be  the  chief 
cause  of  pedagogical  retardation.     This  is  the  case,  for 
°  Ayres,  op.  cit.,  p.  157.  "         ■" 


CAUSES  OF  PEDAGOGICAL  RETARDATION    135 

example,  when  a  child  with  very  had  vision  is  ncjt  prcj- 
vided  with  glasses.  On  the  other  hand,  regarding  retarda- 
tion in  general,  pliysical  delects  are  far  from  being  the 
chief  factor.  This  is  sliown  clearly  enough  hy  the  slight 
difference  between  retartled  children  and  normal  and 
advanced  children  in  the  percentage  having  physical 
defects. 

The  nationality  factor  entails  considerable  divergence 
of  results.  Certainly  in  some  localities  children  of  one 
nationality  may  do  better  than  those  of  another.  .Ayres 
concludes  from  his  study  of  children  of  different  nationali- 
ties in  the  New  York  City  schools,  that  children  of  dif- 
ferent nation-'i'ties  dififer  radically  as  to  ability  in  school 
work.  In  Mi.nicapolis,  where  there  are  a  large  numljer 
of  children  of  Swedish  and  Norwegian  parentage,  as  well 
as  a  fair  sprinkling  of  Bohemian,  English,  French,  Irish, 
Polish  and  German,  nationality  appears  to  l:)e  an  almost 
negligible  factor.  A  tabulation  of  the  ages  and  grades 
of  two  thousand  children  representing  all  these  nationali- 
ties as  well  as  those  who  gave  their  parentage  as  American, 
showed  no  reliable  difference  as  regards  nationality.® 
There  is  even  disagreement  concerning  the  importance  in 
school  success  of  ability  to  use  the  English  language. 
Ayrts  writes  that.  "  Wherever  studies  have  been  made  of 
the  progress  of  children  through  the  grades,  it  has  been 
f./und  that  ignorance  of  the  English  language  does  not 
constitute  a  serious  handicap."  ^^  in  support  of  this  con- 
clusion, he  cites  the  experience  of  the  department  of  edu- 
cation of  Porto  Rico  in  changing  its  schools  from  the 
Spanish  to  the  English  basis.    The  change,  it  is  alleged, 

•These  data  were  gathered  in  the  course  of  a  study  of  the  mental 
associations  of  children.  A  list  of  the  nationalities  represented  will 
be  found  in  Children's  Assnriatinn  Freauencv  Tables."  h.\-  Wn.-.Hr.-.-.;,- 
and  Lowell.    Psychological  Matwyraphs,  No.  "97,  1916,  pp".  31-72 

"  Op.  cit.,  p.  116. 


1 1 


i 


136 


PEDAGOGICAL  AGE 


was  effected  with  litile  or  no  luss  of  time  on  the  part  of 
the  pupils.  Ayres'  position  on  this  point  seems  to  accord 
witli  the  findings  of  the  majority  of  investigators,  thourli 
not  with  all  of  them.  On  the  whole,  the  evidence  f.miul 
in  the  schools  indicates  a  speedy  assimilation  of  the  iorcvn^ 
element,  so  that,  although  here  and  there  nationality  and 
'gnorancc  ol  ICnglish  may  he  a  cause  of  failure  in  school, 
it  is  ctie  which  in  most  localities  is  not  very  serious,  and 
which  in  the  long  run  will  eliminate  itself. 

The  importance  of  regular  attendance  is  emphasized 
by  all  students  of  pedagogical  retardation.     It  is  obvious 
that  failure  U^  attend  school  means  failure  to  Ix^ncfit  bv 
the  instruction  given  therein.     We  do  not  need  statistics 
to  prove  that  absence  from  school  is  an  important  cause 
ot  failure  and  pedagogical  retardation  ;  but  it  is  surprising 
what  an  enormous  amount  of  absence  from  school  the 
statistics   prove   to   exist.      An   examination   of   school 
reports  led  Ayres  to  conclude  that  less  than  three-fourths 
of  the  children  in  our  cities  continue  in  attendance  as 
much  as  three-fourths  of  the  school  year.     Examination 
of  school  records  shows  that  there  is  a  certain  minimum 
number  of  days  of  absence,  which  if  exceeded,  nearly 
always  results  in  failure.     In  the  Minneapolis  schools 
absence  of  ten  to  twenty  days  in  a  half-vcar.  or  even 
twenty  to  thirty  days,  may  not  result  in  failure,  but  al)sence 
totalling  m  re  than  this  is  almost  sure  to  do  .so.     Now 
absence  of  more  than  thirty  days  in  a  half  year  is  quite 
frequent,  and  since  it  almost  certainly  means  failure,  it  is 
clear  that  a  considerable  proportion  of  pedagogical  i^etar- 
dation.  perhaps  as  much  as  fifteen  per  cent,  can  be  attrib- 
uted solely  to  irregular  attendance.     Of  course  a  much 
larger  percentage  is  due  to  it  in  some  part. 

Turning  now  to  the  factor  of  the  child's  intelligence 


CAUSES  OF  TLDAGOGICAL  Rl'TARDATlON 


137 


and  character,  we  tind  ourselves  facing  unquesti-jnably  t 
main  causes  oi  failure  in  school,  in  so  far  as  these  causes 
lie  within  the  child.  Whether  intelligence,  as  such,  or 
certain  traits  of  character  more  or  less  separable  from 
intelligence  are  the  more  important,  it  is  hard  to  say;  hut 
probably  intelligence  is  the  fundamental  factor.  So  true 
is  it  that  pedagogical  standing  is  dependent  upon  intelli- 
gence, that  a  high  correlation  !>ct\veen  the  two  is  often 
set  up  as  one  of  the  main  tests  of  the  soundness  of  any 
meihod  for  the  measurement  of  intelligence.**  Grade 
standing  and  intelligence  standing  by  no  means  run  paral- 
lel, partly  because  of  faulty  classification  of  children  in 
the  grades,  and  partly  because  a  numlx-r  of  factors  other 
than  intelligence  have  a  great  deal  to  do  with  pedagogical 
standing;  but  there  is  no  single  factor  that  has  teen 
sliown  to  have  anything  like  as  high  a  correlation  with 
pedagogical  age  as  has  mental  age. 

It  is  clear  that  for  eacn  grade  there  is  a  certain  mini- 
mal mental  age,  which  the  pupil  must  reach  if  he  is 
to  have  a  very  good  chance  of  success.  For  example,  a 
child  of  mental  age  nine  has  not  much  chance  of  passing 
the  filth  grade,  at  least  without  repeating  it.  .\s  a  reason- 
able nnnimum  he  should  have  a  mental  age  of  ten;  and 
to  have  a  really  good  chance  of  passing  he  should  have 
a  mental  age  of  eleven.  In  general,  to  have  a  reasonable 
chance  of  success  in  the  grade  which  is  normal  for  his 
age.  a  child  should  not  be  much  retarded  mentally.  His 
mental  age  should  not  l)e  much  below  his  chronological. 

A  considerable  percentage  of  children  have  a  mental 
nge  less  than  their  chronological,  and  so  are  In  danger 
of  becoming  pedagogically  retarded.  At  first,  their  mental 
age  may  not  he  low  enough  to  fall  below  the  requirements 


'*t  PK"-  00   aiiu  04. 


I.3S 


PEDAGOGICAL  AGE 


of  the  grade  normal  for  their  a-c.    But,  as  we  have  seen, 
the  retardation  of  a  meiually  retarded  child,  when  meas- 
ured in  terms  of  mr  nths  or  j-ears,  increases  as  the  child 
grows  older.    Consequently,  as  children  grow  older  a  con- 
stantly increasing  number  must  come  to  have  a  mental 
age  too  low  for  successful  work  in  the  grade  which  corre- 
sponds to  their  chronolo^gical  age;  and  so  a  constantly 
mcreasing  number  will  become  pcdagogically  retarded. 
Chddrcn  who    lave  once  failed  in  a  grade  l:>ecause  their 
mental  ag-  has  fallen  below  the  requirements,  although 
they  may  still  grow  mentally  and  so  in  the  course  of  years 
make  another  grade  or  two,  will  tend  to  fall  farther  and 
farther  behind.     Their  mental  quotient  tends  to  remain 
constant,  but  their  mental  retardation,  measured  in  years, 
tends  to  increase  with  age.    Consequently  their  pedagogical 
retardation  tends  to  increase  until  at  last  they  drop  out 
of  school. 

Concerning  the  influence  of  character  or  personality 
there  exist  very  few  accurate  data.  On  general  princi- 
ples there  is  every  reason  to  suppose  that  success  in  school 
like  success  in  life,  depends  largely  on  conscientious 
and  persistent  application,  upon  industry  and  the  ability 
for  hard  work,  on  the  interest  and  enthusiasm  brought 
to  bear  on  the  work,  and  even  upon  personal  manners  and 
appearance  and  ease  of  speech  and  action  in  the  presence 
of  others.  Many  of  these  traits  no  doubt  affect  the  results 
of  our  measurements  of  intelligence,  and  to  such  extent  as 
they  do  so,  form  a  part  of  intelligence.  On  the  other  hand 
they  depend  considerably  upon  the  individual's  emotional 
nature.  For  example,  a  child  may  take  a  dislike  to  one 
teacher  and  Ix^  friendly  to  another.  Such  factors  escape 
any  methods  so  far  devised  for  their  measurement.  For 
the  present,  we  must  rest  content  with  the  knnwledcre 


REMEDIAL  MEASURES  139 

that  there  are  a  great  many  emotional  characteristics  and 
traits  of  character  which  aie  certainly  vastly  important, 
and  to  which  the  teacher  and  all  those  interested  in  the 
child's  success  must  give  the  greatest  consideration. 

Remedial  Measures.— Having  considered  some  of  the 
main  causes  of  retardation  in  so  far  as  they  consist  in 
traits  of  child  nature,  we  should,  logically,  proceed  to 
point  out  the  causes  lying  within  the  school.  To  recognize 
a  cause  of  retardation  in  the  school,  however,  means  to 
recognize  something  which  should  be  changed.  It  is  by 
changes  in  the  school  that  the  problem  of  pedagogical 
retardation  must  be  solved.  Child  nature  can  be  changed 
but  little ;  and  even  this  little  has  to  be  accomplished  mainly 
by  changes  in  education,  and  so  by  changes  in  the  school. 
Consequently,  instead  of  an  abstract  discussion  of  causes 
of  pedagogical  retardation  in  the  school,  I  shall  endeavor 
to  make  my  criticism  constructive  by  considering  the  more 
practical  question  of  the  changes  that  should  be  made  in 
the  school  in  order  to  meet  the  situation.  Obviously  there 
is  no  need  for  changing  anything  which  is  not  to  some 
extent  a  cause  of  the  present  unsatisfactory  conditions. 

The  problem  of  decreasing  retardation  in  the  schools  is 
merely  a  part  of  the  more  general  one  of  adapting  educa- 
tion to  the  capacities  of  children.  It  is  a  mistake  to  adopt, 
for  the  benefit  of  the  child  who  fails,  any  measures  that 
interfere  wnth  the  amount  of  attention  given  to  the  brighter 
child,  or  to  make  special  provision  for  the  failing  child 
without  at  the  same  time  making  special  provision  for 
the  exceptionally  bright  child.  To  all  children,  bright  or 
dull,  the  community  is  under  the  same  obligation — that 
of  determining  the  capacities  of  each  one  and  developing 
them  to  the  point  of  greatest  possible  serv-iceablencss. 

Some  persons,  perhaps,  imbued  with  the  importance 


f^ 


II; 

it 


I40 


PEDAGOGICAL  AGE 


of  paying  more  attention  to  the  superior  cliildren  might 
ask,  "  Why  bother  at  all  about  failure?  Why  not  simply 
have  the  child  who  fails  take  the  work  of  the  grade  over 
and  over  until  he  passes  it?  After  all,  is  this  child  not 
receiving  as  high  an  education  as  his  intelligence  and  zeal 
will  permit?  "  It  is  true  that,  in  many  cases,  the  child  is 
receiving  about  all  the  education  he  can  digest  of  the  sort 
offered.  The  point  to  be  kept  in  mind,  however,  is  that 
the  failing  child  is  not  rcceiinng  the  right  kind  of  ed  i- 
cation.  The  real  question  is  wheiher  these  children  who 
fail  should  not  be  offered  work  different  in  kind  and 
taught  by  different  methods,  in  which  they  would  not  fail 
— in  short,  work  to  which  they  are  better  rdapted. 

A  child's  failure  to  pass  is  merely  a  failure  on  the  part 
of  the  educational  procedure  used  to  produce  the  expected 
residt.  Each  failure  constitutes  a  demand  for  education 
along  new  lines.  Education  must  avoid  doing  the  spiritual 
injury  of  branding  the  child  a  failure.  Instead,  it  must 
cultivate  the  spirit  of  initiative  and  self-reliance,  and  the 
satisfaction  and  desire  for  further  achievement  which 
result  from  progress  and  the  taste  of  success.  The  edu- 
cation that  breeds  these  qualities  will  be  the  one  which 
develops  those  capacities  that  the  child  does  possess,  which 
finds  some  work  in  whidi  the  child  will  not  fail  and  which, 
by  training  in  this  work,  guides  the  child  into  a  life  of 
maximal  usefulness. 

The  problem  of  changing  the  existing  system  in  any 
city  so  as  l)etter  to  meet  the  needs  of  the  children  is 
always  an  exceedingly  complex  one,  even  aside  from 
questions  of  expense.  It  is  hard  to  name  any  one  change 
that  of  itself  will  pnxluce  much  improvement.  A  change 
in  any  one  respect  usually  calls  for  other  changes,  upon 
which  ii  uei)enus  for  its  success  or  failure. 


REIViEDIAL  MEASURES 


141 


Of  all  the  measures  that  could  be  suggested,  none  lies 
so  close  at  hand  as  a  siniplification  of  the  curriculum. 
By  simplification  is  meant  a  reduction  in  the  amount  of 
work  that  all  the  children,  exclusive  of  the  feeble-minded, 
are  expected  to  take  in  common.  Simplification  is  accom- 
plished by  a  stricter  interpretation  of  what  are  the  essen- 
tials, and  a  strict  limitation  of  the  common  program  to 
these  essentials. 

Does  simplification  mean  lowering  of  standards?    If 
it  does,  it  will  do  no  good ;  for  while  it  may  produce  less 
failure,  it  will  bring  about  more  holding  back  of  the  bright 
pupils.     A   radically   simplified   curriculum  should   not, 
however,  result  in  a  lowering  of  standards.     Its  very 
meagreness  should  serve  to  emphasize  the  fact  that  addi- 
tional work  is  essential.    It  allows  more  time  to  be  devoted 
to  this  additional  work,  and  more  adaptation  of  this  work 
to  the  individual  needs  of  the  pupils.     The  simpler  the 
program  for  all  pupils  in  common,  the  easier  it  is  to  make 
clear  the  necessity  and  to  provide  the  time  and  facilities 
for  additional  individual  work.     The  individual  work 
for  the  intellectually  less  able  pupils  should  be  in  the  line 
of  practical  occupations,  such  as  manual  training,  sew- 
ing and  gardening;  for  the  more  able  it  should  consist 
of  more  intensive  work  along  the  same  lines  as  the  com- 
mon program,  as  well  -'s  of  additional  academic  subjects 
and  additional  practical  or  occupational  subjects.     Prop- 
erly interpreting  its  advocates,  then,  simplification  does  not 
mean  less  work  for  anybody.    Primarily  it  means  simply 
different  work  for  the  less  able  and  the  more  able  chil- 
dren of  each  grade  with  a  consequent  reduction  in  the 
amount  of  work  in  common. 

Changes  in  the  direction  of  simplification  should  be 
-irrv-vmnnnipH  bv  a  mnre  iiistandaccuratesvstemof  eradiner 


r 


l^i 


142 


PEDAGOGICAL  AGE 


pupils.  Great  progress  has  Ijcen  made  in  recent  years  by 
doing  away  with  the  old  lock-step  system  and  installing  a 
system  of  rates  of  progress  which  vary  to  suit  the  pupils 
Formerly,  in  a  vast  majority  of  our  towns  and  cities,  a 
child  who  failed  in  one  or  two  subjects  had  to  repeat  the 
entire  year's  work.  Nowadays,  it  is  common  to  divide  the 
years'  work  into  at  least  two  semesters.  Many  recom- 
mend the  further  step  of  grading  and  promoting  the 
children  separately  in  each  subject,  after  the  manner  of 
high  schools,  colleges  and  universities.  Educational 
measurements  have  shown  that  even  under  the  present 
grade  system  the  average  child  is  often  so  much  more 
capable  in  some  subjects  than  in  others,  that  he  really 
belongs  in  different  grades  in  different  subjects.  For 
example,  a  fifth  grade  child,  when  tested  by  the  modem 
measuring  scales, ^2  ^n^y  \^  found  below  the  fourth  grade 
average  in  handwriting,  and  at  the  same  time  above  the 
sixth  grade  average  in  composition.  Why,  then,  should 
such  a  child  not  Ix  taking  writing  with  fourth-grade  pupils 
and  composition  with  sixth  grade  pupils?  It  is  already 
customary  to  provide  special  teachers  and  special  classes 
in  drawing,  singing,  writing,  cooking,  sewing  and  manual 
training.  Progress  appears  to  lie  in  the  direction  of  fur- 
ther organization  of  instruction  by  subjects,  particularly 
in  the  upper  grades. 

Coupled  with  the  tendency  towards  greater  accuracy  in 
grading,  is  the  tendency  towards  the  multiplication  of 
special  classes  and  parallel  courses.  There  has  been  a  strik- 
ing increase  in  the  numl^er  of  auxiliary'  classes  for  feeble- 
minded children.     There  has  also  been  a  movement  for 


"For  description  of  these  scales,  see  Starch.  "  Educational  Meas- 
urements," 1916;  Monroe  and  others,  "Educational  Tests  and  Meas- 

ment  of  Classroom  Products,"  1917. 


REMEDIAL  MEASURES 


143 


the  provision,  in  the  upper  grades,  of  special  classes  for 
exceptionally  bright  children,  and  also  for  the  provision  of 
classes     for    pedagogically    retarded    children,    usually 
children  who  are  dull  or  backward.     Further,  the  need 
for  parallel  courses  is  more  and  more  being  recognized. 
In  some  cases,  these  parallel  courses  are  simply  devices 
which  permit  different  pupils  to  cover  the  same  work  in 
different  periods  of  time.    For  example,  the  work  of  tlie 
last  five  grades  may  be  divided  into  two  halves,  and  the 
grades  arranged  so  that  each  half  may  be  taken  by  the 
brighter  children  in  two  years,  and  by  the  slower  ones  in 
three    years.     More   commonly,    however,    the    parallel 
courses  differ  in  character.     One  course  usually  sticks 
close   to   the   traditional    program,    whereas   the   other 
is  mainly  industrial  and  vocational  in  nature  and  appeals 
mainly  to  those  who  are  to  enter  commercial  or  industrial 
work  upon  reaching  the  age  limit  of  compulsory  attend- 
ance.    These  industrial   and  commercial   courses,   it  is 
claimed,  are  very  valuable  in  preventing  the  early  elimina- 
tion of  retarded  children.     In  farming  districts,  courses 
in  preparation  for  agricultural  life  are  also  of  great  value, 
and  often  fit  children  with  whom  the  traditional  cur- 
riculum fails. 

So  far  we  have  discussed  mainly  changes  in  curriculum 
and  school  organization  as  being  necessary  to  cope  with 
the  evils  of  pedagogical  retardation.  There  are  other 
administrative  measures,  however,  that  are  important  and 
that  aim  directly  at  two  of  the  causes  of  failure  which  have 
been  attributed  to  the  child  rather  than  the  school.  One 
of  these  causes  is  bad  physical  condition;  the  other,  poor 
attendance. 

Irregular  attendance,  experience  shows,  can  be  suc- 


i 

I' 


f>*»tcf iill\7    rnmKQtpH 
■•■vvwt — • 


TVip   main   thinp-s  neressarv   are  an 


n 


144 


PEDAGOGICAL  AGE 


accurate,  annual,  school  census,  that  is,  a  census  of  all 
children  in  the  community  who  are  of  school  age,  and  an 
efficient  enforcing  of  the  truant  laws  by  the  truant  officers. 
That  there  has  been  marked  improvement  in  school  attend- 
ance in  recent  years  is  indicated  by  the  great  reduction  in 
illiteracy.  In  1900,  of  all  children  in  the  United  States 
from  10  to  14  years  of  age,  there  were  42  in  every  1000 
who  could  neither  read  nor  write.  In  19 10,  there  were 
only  22  per  1000.  In  all  probability  the  federal  census 
of  1920  will  show  a  still  further  reduction  in  the  percent- 
age of  illiterates. 

To  the  physical  condition  of  children,  there  is  no  doubt 
that  there  should  be  paid  even  greater  attention  than  at 
present.  In  many  rural  comnumities  conditions  are  little 
short  of  scandalous.  The  whole  movement  towards  spec- 
ialized forms  of  training  to  meet  the  special  needs  of 
pupils  must  be  accompanied  by  a  greater  concern  in  this 
matter.  It  must  lead  to  more  care  for  the  heating,  venti- 
lating and  cleanliness  of  school  buildings;  also  to 
systematic  courses  in  physical  culture  and  drill  as  well 
as  to  supervised  play ;  and  to  the  universal  adoption  of  a 
system  of  medical  inspection  by  which  the  physical  ail- 
ments and  abnormalities,  that  hinder  health  and  happiness 
as  well  as  school  progress,  shall  not  only  be  detected  and 
reported,  but  corrected. 

It  should  be  noted,  however,  tliat  better  physical  care, 
like  better  methods  of  teaching,  will  help  the  children  w^ho 
are  above  grade  as  well  as  those  who  are  below  grade, 
since  the  latter  are  only  slightly  more  defective  physically 
than  the  former.  This,  of  course,  is  a  greater  reason  for 
doing  all  that  is  possible ;  but  it  follows  that  the  problem 
of  meeting  the  needs  of  children  of  different  degrees  of 
ability  will  by  no  means  be  Suivcu  simply  Dy  better  atten- 


REMEDL\L  MEASURES 


145 


tion  to  the  physical  side.  If  it  enables  a  larger  number 
of  pupils  to  keep  up  to  grade  it  will  at  the  same  time 
increase  the  number  who  should  Ije  abcjve  grade,  and 
therefore  make  the  problem  of  proper  provision  for  the 
abler  children  more  acute.  If  better  health  will  enable 
a  dull  child  to  succeed  with  the  present  curriculum,  it 
will  enable  a  superior  child  to  do  more  than  to  succeed 
with  that  same  curriculum ;  and  to  hold  the  superior  child 
down  to  a  course  that  is  too  easy  for  him  is  as  great  a 
mistake  as  to  give  a  dull  child  a  course  of  study  that  fails 
because  it  is  too  hard.  The  same  considerations  apply  here 
as  to  improved  methods  of  teaching.  If  letter  teaching 
can  enable  a  pedagogically  retarded  child  to  come  up  to 
grade,  what  can  it  not  do  for  the  normal  or  pedagogic- 
ally  advanced  child  ? 

Whenever  a  child's  actual  attainments  are  normal  or 
above  normal,  and  yet  lag  behind  his  possible  attainments, 
there  exists  what  we  may  term  invisible  retardation.  Bet- 
ter care  of  health  and  better  teaching  technique,  both  of 
which  are  imperative,  may  help  to  reduce  the  amount  of 
pedagogical  retardation,  but  they  will  not  go  far  in  solving 
the  general  problem  of  adaptation  of  education  to  the 
needs  of  the  child,  simply  because  to  very  nearly  the  same 
extent  that  they  alleviate  pedagogical  retardation  they 
aggravate  what  we  have  called  invisible  retardation.  And 
invisible  retardation  of  an  able  child  is  fully  as  serious 
as  the  more  apparent  retardation  of  the  child  who  is 

below  grade. 

The  preceding  discussion  should  make  it  clear  that  the 
problems  arising  from  the  facts  of  pedagogical  age  are 
problems  of  school  administration.  Failure  should  be 
thought  of  not  as  failure  on  the  part  of  the  child,  but  as 
laiiure  01  scnoui  uUiiiuimts  l-^-  ^lOnUv  >..-  ^.-i—  ^-i^^-a. 


10 


146 


PEDAGOGICAL  AGE 


tion.  Pedagogical  retardation,  visible  or  invisible,  means 
faulty  administration.  The  problem  is  not  the  bringing  of 
retarded  cliildren  "  up  to  grade."  It  is  much  broader 
and  deeper  than  that.  It  is  providing  for  each  cliild  that 
education  which  is  best  suited  to  him.  This  plainly 
requires  first  of  all  a  diagnosis  of  the  child's  abilities. 
The  efficiency  of  the  school  system  depends  on  the  degree 
to  which  the  educational  results  agree  with  the  diagnosis 
of  mental  ability.  With  a  child  of  little  mental  ability,  suc- 
cessful education  means  training  for  very  humble  occu- 
pations. With  a  child  of  exc  '^tional  mental  ability, 
successful  education  means,  not  getting  the  child  through 
eight  grades  in  eight  years  or  even  in  six  years,  but 
preparing  him  to  be  a  leader  in  society. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

SIMPLE  MENTAL  PROCESSES 

Intelligent  Behavior  and  Mind. — Intelligence  shows 
itself  only  in  behavior;  behavior  is  ever>thing  that  an  indi- 
vidual does.  It  includes  all  the  activities  of  a  child  as  he 
takes  the  Binet  intelligence  tests.  It  includes  going  to 
school,  reading  and  writing,  crying  and  laughing,  ami 
answering  questions  in  geography  and  solving  problems  in 
arithmetic.  Later  in  life  it  includes  earning  a  living,  by 
the  conduct  of  a  business,  by  teaching,  or  by  the  perform- 
ance of  some  other  service ;  it  includes  getting  married, 
keeping  house,  rearing  children  and  providing  for  their 
future;  it  may  mean  fighting  and  the  conduct  of  war,  the 
research  that  leads  to  new  inventions,  and  acts  of  charity 
and  of  worship.  Behavior  is  the  sum  total  of  life's  activi- 
ties; and  it  is  by  these  activities  that  intelligence  must 

be  judged. 

As  to  the  type  of  behavior  which  may  be  latelled 
intelligent,  I  believe  it  is  impossible  to  be  more  definite 
than  to  say  that  intelligent  behavior  is  successful  behavior. 
"  The  essential  characteristic  of  all  intelligent  action," 
writes  Kirkpatrick,  "  is,  from  the  objective  point  of  view, 
that  it  shall  be  adapted  to  the  securing  of  useful  ends."  ^ 
Useful  or  successful  behavior  is  behavior  which  benefits 
the  individual  and  the  society  to  which  he  belongs.  It 
may  be  objected  that  there  are  many  widely  diflferent 
conceptions  of  what  is  good,  and  consequently  many  dif- 
ferent standards  of  success.     But  to  just  the  extent  to 


Genetic  Psychology,"  1908,  p.  178- 


147 


148 


SIMPLE  MENTAL  PROCESSES 


which  tliis  is  tnic,  there  must  l)e  different  types  and 
standards  of  inteUigence.  However,  for  certain  practical 
purposes  it  is  possible  within  limits  to  agree  upon  what 
is  to  be  regarded  as  success,  particularly  in  the  case  of 
children.  This  is  the  less  difficult,  as  intelligence  means 
not  the  capacity  for  success  along  any  one  line  of  endeavor, 
but  general  capacity,  the  capacity  which  determines 
whether  one  individual  would,  on  the  average,  do  better 
than  another  in  any  and  all  performances  in  which  he 
might  conceivably  be  tested.  Thus,  a  man  might  be 
eminently  successful  as  a  billiard  player  or  even  as  a 
musician,  and  yet  not  be  above  average  .n  intelligence. 
Success  in  these  special  lines  indicates  special  talents;  but 
whether  their  possessor  is  to  be  rated  as  above  average 
in  intelligence  depends  upcni  whether  he  could  succeed 
in  the  majority  of  all  desirable  lines  of  performance  better 
than  the  ordinary  individual. 

Now,  while  the  evidence  of  intelligence  must  consist 
always  in  Ijehavior,  the  kind  of  behavior  which  is  regarded 
as  intelligent  cannot  occur  except  by  the  aid  of  mind. 
Highly  intelligent  conduct  requires  thought  and  attention, 
discrimination,  judgment  and  reason.  It  is  as  impossible 
to  be  highly  intelligent  without  a  good  mind  as  to  have 
a  good  mind  and  remain  unintelligent.  Indeed,  one  may 
go  so  far  a3  to  say  that  successful  performances  should 
not  be  regarded  as  acts  of  intelligence  unless  their  success 
is  due  to  mental  processes.  When  it  is  the  result  of  luck, 
or  physical  strength,  or  good  health,  success  is  not  a  sign 
of  intelligence.  To  I)e  accepted  as  proof  of  the  latter,  it 
must  show  some  signs  of  mental  action,  that  is,  some  signs 
of  learning,  of  profit  from  experience,  and  of  wisdom. 
Intelligence,  then,  is  the  capacity  for  success  in  life  in  so 
far  as  success  is  gained  by  the  use  of  mind. 


INTELLIGENT  BEHAVIOR  AND  MIND         i49 

Since  int(:i-,Tence  means  the  capacity  for  success  in 
those  tasks  wuich  require  mental  activity  for  their  exe- 
cution, our  next  question  is  concerned  with  the  nature  of 
llus  mental  activity.  Is  it  possi])le  to  fmd  some  one  mental 
process,  some  characteristic  mental  activity,  upon  which 
success  depends  ?  A  numl)er  of  psychologists  have  sought 
such  a  fundamental  process,  but  the  diversity  of  their  find- 
ings indicates  that  no  one  aspect  of  mind  can  be  singled 
out  as  the  essence  of  intelligence. 

Nearly  every  important  phase  of  mental  activity  has 
l)een  identified  with  intelligence.     Thus,  for  Ebbinghaus, 
the  main  constituent  of  intellectual  ability  is  the  combin- 
ing activity  of  the  mind— that  is,  the  power  to  unify  into 
meaningful  wholes  th"  haphazard  and  independent  items 
of  experience.    For  many,  including  Wundt.^  one  of  the 
most  famous  of  all  psychologists,  the  process  most  indis- 
pensable to  the  manifestation  of  intelligence  is  attention. 
It  is  on  the  basis  of  this  power  of  attention,  or  concentra- 
tion, that  Sollier  defines  the  various  grades  of   feeble- 
mindedness.^'     With  Binct,  intelligence  is  largely  a  matter 
of  sound  judgment.   At  the  same  time,  he  links  it  closely 
with  the  power  of  voluntar>-  attention,  by  which  he  means 
the  power  to  apply  intensely  one's  mental  faculties  to  the 
new  situations  with  which  he  is  constantly  confronted.-* 
Stern  defines  intelligence  as  the  capacity  of  an  individual 
"  to  adjust  his  thinking  to  new  requirements."  ^     The 
' "  Elemente    der    Physiologischen    Psychologic,"    6th   ed..    i'X)8, 

^"^ '»'"  Psychologie  de  I'idiot  et  de  I'imbecile,"  pp.  36-37  and  60-74. 
See  also  Consoni.  "  La  mesure  de  I'attention  chez  les  eiifants  faibles 
d'esprit."    Anhivcs  de  psycholoyie.  \o\.  u,  igo3   p.  250. 

♦ "  Attention  et  adaptation."  L'annee  psychologiquc,  vol.  vi,  1899. 

PP-  ^.^»  The'  Psvchological  Methods  of  Testing  Intelligence."  Trans. 
by  G.  II.  Whipple,  1913.  P-  3- 


ISO 


SIMPLE  MENTAL  PROCESSES 


I>rocesscs  of  judgment  aiid  of  thought  emphasized  by  Binet 
and  Stem  are  merely  aspects  of  reasoning  abihty.  This 
abiHty  more  than  any  other,  perliaps,  is  accrechted  with 
first  importance.  According  to  Tredgold,  it  is  defective 
reasoning  that  constitutes  the  cln'ef  characteristic  of  feeble- 
mindechiess.  Another  capacity  frequently  emphasized, 
which  does  not  differ  much  from  attention,  is  the  capacity 
for  persistent  effort,  the  capacity  for  steadfastly  pur- 
suing a  fixed  purpose. 

Plainly  it  is  impossible  to  find  any  one  mental  process 
that  can  be  identified  with  intelligence.  It  is  true,  that 
certain  mental  functions,  such  as  attention  and  reasoning, 
are  nujre  closely  related  to  intelligence  i'  .n  others.  It 
must  be  rememl^ered,  however,  that  the  mind,  like  the 
body,  functions  to  a  large  extent  as  a  single  organism, 
and  that  the  more  important  mental  processes  involve  all 
the  others.  For  example,  in  the  case  of  reasoning,  it  is 
clear  that  one's  ability  depends  upon  his  knowledge;  his 
knowledge  in  turn  is  dependent  ujxdu  his  perceptions  and 
his  memory,  and  also  upon  his  power  of  attention  and  his 
interests.  Again,  in  the  case  of  sensory  discrimination,  it 
is  impossible  to  distinguish  between  acuteness  of  the 
senses  and  keenness  of  attention.  We  cannot  test  visual 
acuity,  for  example,  without  testing  attention ;  for  a  per- 
son totally  inattentive  to  visual  impressions  would  to  all 
intents  and  purposes  be  just  as  blind  as  one  whose 
lenses  were  opaque.  It  is  thus  very  difficult  to  state 
with  precision  the  relative  importance  of  the  various 
mental  processes.  All  mental  processes  influence  behavior, 
although  they  do  not  have  equal  weight.  Their  part  in 
intelligence  is  proportionate  to  their  importance  in  secur- 
ing a  successful  adjustment  to  the  problems  of  life. 

It  l^  iiupui  Lu.iiL  lo  sluuy  the  ei>iiLnbuLioii  of  even  tlie 


MEASURING  SENSORY  CAPACITY  151 

simpler  mental  processes  towards  intelligcul  behavior.  To 
thrse  processes  the  remainder  of  this  chapter  is  devoted. 
Ill  the  following  one,  two  very  fundamental  processes,  as- 
sociation and  attention,  are  to  be  considered;  the  next 
takes  up  some  of  the  more  complex  mental  operations. 
The  simpler  mental  capacities  arc:  Sensory  capacity,  that 
is,  the  capacity  for  receiving  sensations  and  discriminating 
between  them;  perception,  or  the  observation  of  external 
objects;  the  capacity  for  imagery;  and  the  capacity  for 
feelings  of  pleasantness  and  unpleasantness. 

Methods  of  Measuring  Sensory  Capacity  and  Estimat- 
ing   Its    Relation    to    Intelligence.— In    estimating    an 
individual's    sensory    capacity,    it   is   customary   to   use 
measurements    of    the   smallest    discoverable   difference 
l)etween  two  stimuli  acting  on  the  same   sense  organ. 
Thus,  one  test  is  given  to  determine  the  smallest  percep- 
tible difference  in  the  loudness  of  two  sounds;  another, 
to  ascertain  the  smallest  perceptible  difference  in  their 
pitch.    In  the  case  of  vision,  the  smallest  noticeable  differ- 
ence in  brightness  between  two  grays  may  be  determined, 
or  in  the  tone,  or  hue,  of  two  colors.     The  accuracy  of 
spatial  discrimination  is  also  studied,  as  in  the  visual 
acuity  test,  already  described,  or  in  tests  of  ability  to 
discriminate  length.    To  measure  the  fineness  of  the  sense 
of  touch,  it  is  common  to  use  the  smallest  distance  which 
may  separate  two  compass  points  applied  to  the  skin  and 
yet  permit  of  their  being  recognized  as  two.    This  distance 
is  known  as  the  threshold  for  the  discrimination  of  two 
points.    Another  test  is  the  measurement  of  the  smallest 
noticeable    difference    between    two    weights,    and    still 
another  is   the  amount  of  pressure  required  on  the  skin 
to  produce  a  sensation  of  pain.    All  of  these  sensory  tests 
1 ...^^fi  iv,  tu^  cfiiriv  nf  thf*  relation  of  sensory 

;jCC;i     UCVU     111     111--       -l^i-i^-      -1     —1-     1  -i"- 


'i 


. u^ 


I5a 


SIMPLE  MExXTAL  PROCESSES 


discrimination  to  intelligence,  a  relation  which,  because 
of  its  Ijearing  upon  ^cnse  training  as  well  as  many  other 
problems,  has  been  the  object  of  a  long  series  of  experi- 
mental investigations  and  of  much  discussion. 

In  such  investigations,  intelligence  has  usually  been 
graded  by  taking  the  average  score  in  a  large  number  of 
mental  tests,  or  by  the  average  of  school  marks,  or  by 
estimates  of  intelligence  on  the  part  of  teachers  or  others, 
or  by  several  of  these  methods  combined.  The  procedures 
employed  in  the  measurement  of  the  fineness  of  sensory 
discrimination  have  varied  greatly,  but  on  the  whole,  they 
have  been  fairly  accurate.*' 

In  order  to  measure  the  closeness  of  relationship 
between  the  capacity  of  sensory  discrimination  and  intelli- 
gence, it  is  necessary  to  obtain  measures  of  each,  for  a 
large  numlx'r  of  individuals,  preferably  of  the  same  age 
and  sex.  These  measures  are  arranged  in  two  columns, 
each  numl>er  in  a  column  representing  the  sensory  capacity 
of  one  individual,  and  a  corresponding  numl^er  in  the 
other  column,  his  intelligence.  To  ascertain  the  relation- 
ship between  sensor}'  capacity  and  intelligence,  then,  it  is 
neces.sary  merely  to  determine  the  extent  to  which  the 
numbers  of  one  column  rise  or  fall  in  harmony  with  those 
corresponding  in  the  other  column.  This  is  accomplished 
by  means  of  a  mathematical  formula,  which  works  out 
in  such  a  way  that  if  the  numl^ers  of  one  column  run 
perfectly  parallel  with  those  of  the  other,  a  correlation 
of  one  hundred  per  cent,  is  obtained,  whereas  if  there 
is  no  relationship  lietween  the  two  columns  of  numlxrs  a 
correlation  of  zero  will  be  obtained. 


*  For  a  detailed  account  of  methods  of  testinp  sensory  discrimi- 
nation, see  VWiipple,  "  Manual  of  Mental  and  Phys-'^l  Tests."  2d  ed., 


MEASURING  SENSORY  CAPACITY  153 

Any  correlational  percentage  above  zero  and  less  than 
a   hundred   means    that   there    is    some   correspondence 
between  the  two  traits  measured,  but  not  a  perfect  one. 
For  example,  consider  the  relationship  between  the  ability 
to  add  and  the  ability  to  multiply.     Let  us  suppose  that 
we  have  secured,  by  the  aid  of  addition  and  multiplication 
tests,  two  rankintrs  of  all  the  pupils  of  a  class,  one  raiiking 
arranging  them  in  the  order  of  their  ability  in  addition, 
from  the  best  to  the  worst,  and  the  other  arranging  them 
in  the  order  of  their  al'lity  in  multiplication.     If  the 
])lace  of  a  child  in  one  list  was,  as  a  rule,  quite  diflferent 
from  that  which  he  occupied  in  the  other,  so  that  the  two 
lists  showed  no  more  corrcsix)ndence  than  would  two  lists 
made  by  drawing  the  names  out  of  a  hat,  then  the  correla- 
tion between  the  two  abilities  would  be  zero.  On  the  other 
hand,  if  the  standing  of  the  children  in  one  list  resembled 
their  standing  in  the  other  lis'   ne  could  say  that  there  ex- 
isted a  correlation  between  tht  cJ)ili;y  toaddand  the  ability 
to  multiply.    The  closer  the  resemblanct    a  the  standings 
of  the  children  in  the  two  lists,  the  higher  the  percentage 
of  correlation.  Were  the  standings  in  the  two  lists  identi- 
cal, the  correlation  would  be  perfect,  or  one  hundred  per 
cent.     Lastly,  and  simply   for  the  sake  of  illustration, 
should  we  hnd  that  the  higher  a  child's  rank  in  one  list  the 
lower  it  was  in  the  other,  we  would  say  that  the  correlation 
was  negative.     Neg'itive  correlations,  like  positive,  may 
vary  all  the  way  from  zero  to  one  hundred  per  cent. 

Whenever  the  correlational  percentage  is  less  tlian  one 
hundred,  it  indicates  that  the  two  traits  considered  are  in 
part  influenced  by  .he  same  factors,  but  that,  on  the  other 
hand,  each  of  them  is  to  some  extent  determined  by  factors 
which  afTcct  it  alone.     For  example,  to  take  a  non-psycho- 


154 


SIMPLE  MENTAL  PROCESSES 


logical  illustration,  we  should  iind  if  we  tabulated  the 
price  of  corn  and  the  price  of  pork  throughout  a  number 
of  years,  a  certain  degree  of  correspondence  or  correlation, 
Ijctween  the  two.  The  price  of  one  would  tend  to  fall  and 
rise  with  the  price  of  the  other.  The  correlation,  how- 
ever, would  be  far  from  perfect,  because,  although  to 
some  extent  the  price  of  com  and  that  of  pork  are  deter- 
mined l\v  the  same  factors,  each  is  affected  in  part  by 
certain  factors  which  do  not  disturb  the  other. 

The  Relation  of  Sensory  Capacity  to  Intelligence. — 
This  outline  of  methods  leads  us  to  the  consideration  of 
results.  The  early  investigations  of  Knieger  and  Spear- 
man "  indicated  that  the  correlation  between  sensory 
discrimination  and  intelligence  was  rather  high.  This 
accorded  well  with  the  emphasis  so  often  given  to  sense 
training  in  the  education  of  younger  school  children. 
Some  of  the  theoretical  conclusions  of  Krueger  and 
Spearman,  however,  led  to  an  investigation  by  Thorndike 
and  some  of  his  pupils.**  The  sensory  traits  tested  were 
accuracy  in  estimating  the  length  of  lines,  as  indicated  by 
the  capacity  to  draw  them  equal  in  length  to  a  standard, 
and  accuracy  in  estimating  weight,  as  shown  by  the  capa- 
city to  reproduce  a  standard  weight  by  filling  a  box  with, 
the  necessary  quantity  of  shot.  As  measures  of  the  intelli- 
gence of  the  suijjects,  v  I'o  were  high  school  and  normal 
school  students,  teacliers'  estimates  of  intelligence  were 
used,  along  with  the  estimates  of  the  intelligence  of  each 
other  made  by  the  students,  and  the  average  of  their  scheiol 

'  "  Die  Korrelation  zwischen  verschicdenen  peistipen  Leistungs- 
Fahigkeiten."  Zeitschrift  fi-r  I'sycholoaie  und  Physinlngie  der  S<nr\cs- 
orqanc.  vol.  xliv,  kx^7,  pp.  50-114.  Also  Spearman,  "General  Intelli- 
gence."   American  Journal  nf  Psychology,  vol.  xv,  IQ04,  pp.  201-2*53. 

•  Thorndike,  Lay  and  Dean,  "  The  Relation  of  .Accuracy  in  Sen- 
sorv  Discrimination  to  General  Intellierence." 


Fsycholuijy,  vol.  XX,  igcx),  pp.  3b4-3i>9. 


American  Journal  of 


iiii'J 


SENSORY  CAPACITY  AND  INTELLIGENCE    155 

marks.  The  correlations  between  these  rather  crude  meas- 
ures were  much  smaller  than  those  of  Krueger  and 
Spearman,  though  still  sufficient  to  indicate  some  slight 
degree  of  correlation  between  sensory  discrimination  and 
intelligence.  Thus,  for  normal  school  girls,  between  esti- 
mates of  length  and  teachers'  estimates  of  intelligence, 
there  was  only  twelve  per  cent,  of  correlation;  between 
accuracy  of  weight  estimation  and  intelligence  as  judged 
by  teachers,  no  more  than  eight  per  cent. ;  and  between 
accuracy  of  weight  estimation  and  intelligence  of  the  girls 
as  judged  by  each  other,  twenty-four  per  cent. 

Later  investigators  have  tended  to  confirm  the  results 
of  Thomdike  rather  than  those  of  Spearman,  on  this 
point,  in  that  they  find  but  very  small  connection  between 
sensory  keenness  and  intelligence.  Indeed,  there  seems 
to  be  no  relation  between  intelligence  and  either  the  ability 
to  notice  small  differences  in  weight  or  the  ability  to  recog- 
nize as  two,  when  applied  to  the  skin,  two  points  separated 
by  a  ver>'  short  distance.  Definite  relationships  appear  to 
be  established,  however,  for  the  so-called  higher  senses— 
those  of  vision  and  iiearing. 

A  very  interesting  study  of  the  relation  of  sensory 
discrimination  to  intelligence  has  been  made  by  Burt.'* 
His  investigations  were  conductetl  among  groups  chosen 
from  two  schools  of  Oxford.  England,  one  a  superior 
elementary  school  and  the  other  a  high  class  preparatory 
school.  Both  groups  were  composed  exclusively  of  boys 
ranging  in  age  from  twelve  and  a  half  to  thirteen  and  a 
lialf  years.  As  a  measure  of  intelligence,  Burt  used 
the  ranking  of  the  boys  by  the  Head-master.  No  assump- 
tions were  made  as  to  the  particular  kind  of  capacity  that 


l?1 


• "  F-xnerimental  Tests  of  General  Intelligence." 
of  Psychology,  vol.  iii,  lyog,  pp.  94-177- 


British  Journal 


156 


SIMPLE  MENTAL  PROCESSES 


should  be  called  intelligence.  This  was  left  to  the  school- 
master. "  It  was  presumed,"  writes  Burt,  "  tliat  the 
schoolmaster  was  the  proper  person,  if  any,  to  know  the 
original  meaning  of  intelligence,  to  recognize  it  in  the 
concrete,  and  compare  its  various  degrees,  even  though 
^he  psychologist  might  prove  the  proper  person  subse- 
quently to  find  for  that  meaning  adequate  expression, 
and  to  analyze  and  describe  in  technical  termniology,  the 
nature  of  the  capacity  denoted  by  it."  ^^ 

In  view  of  Burt's  confidence  in  the  schoolmaster's  esti- 
mates of  intelligence,  it  is  interesting  to  note  the  methods 
by  which  these  estimates  were  made.  In  the  elementar>' 
school,  since  the  boys  were  in  three  different  school  grades, 
or  standards,  as  they  are  called  in  England,  the  Head- 
tnaster  made  three  lists,  based  on  the  class  marks,  one  for 
the  boys  of  each  standard ;  these  three  lists  he  connected 
by  carefully  dove-tailing  the  bottom  Ixiys  of  the  upper 
standards  with  the  top  boys  of  the  lower  stan.lard.  He 
then  thoroughly  scrutinized  the  cjrder,  and  further  rear- 
ranged it  from  his  private  knowledge  of  the  boys,  with 
each  of  whom  he  was  familiar.  After  an  interv-al  of 
several  week.,  during  which  he  frequently  took  lessons 
with  the  standards  in  question,  he  revised  the  list.  When 
in  doubt  as  to  the  relative  position  of  two  lx)ys,  his  test- 
question  was :  "  Which  boy  is  the  quickest  al  seeing  the 
point  of  anything?  "  From  his  reputation  as  a  judge  of 
charact'  r.  from  his  long  personal  expenence  of  the  boys 
concerned,  and  from  the  special  interest,  care  and  ccn- 
scientiousness  with  which  he  performed  the  task,  there 
can  be  little  doubt  that  the  grading  is  as  nearly  perfect 
as  a  grading  based  on  personal  impression  can  be. 

In  the  preparatory  school  the  Head-master  used  a 

"■  up.  cit..  p.  105. 


SENSORY  CAPACITY  AND  INTELLIGENCE     157 


somewhat  different  method.  On  the  basis  of  class  marks 
he  produced  two  Hsts,  in  one  of  which  the  boys  were  ranked 
in  the  order  of  hterary  abihty,  and  in  the  other  in  order 
of  mathematical  ability.  From  a  fusion  of  these  he 
derived  a  final  order  of  general  intelligence. 

The  sensory  tests  used  by  Burt  were  four  in  number. 
One  was  a  test  of  touch  discrimination,  consisting  in  the 
determination  of  the  threshold  for  the  discrimination  of 
two  points;  that  is,  of  the  smallest  distance  apart  at  which 
two  simultaneously  applied  points  yield  a  double  sensation. 
A  second  tested  ight  discrimination,  thivt  is,  the  dis- 
covery of  the  sm  .ilest  noticeable  difference  in  a  weight 
of  100  grams.  Sound  discrimination  was  tested  by 
determination  of  the  smallest  perceptible  difference 
between  two  pitches.  The  fourth  test,  by  determining  the 
accuracy  with  wh.  Ji  a  standard  line  of  ten  centimetres 
could  be  reproduced,  demonstrated  ability  to  discriminate 
length  of  lines.  The  tests  were  repeated  several  times, 
and  in  general  were  carefully  applied.  The  percentages 
of  correlation  between  these  sensory  tests  and  intelli- 
gence, as  estimated  by  the  Head-master,  are  given  in  the 
following  table : 

CORRELATION  BETWEEN  INTELLIGENCE  AND  SENSORY  KEENNESS 

Klpmcntary  Preparatory 

hchool  School    Average 

Intelligence  and  touch  discrimination.., 
intelligence  and  weight  discrimination. 
Intelligence  and  pitch  discrimination... 
Intelligence  and  length  discrimination.. 

It  will  be  noted  that  touch  sensitivity  shows  no  rela- 
tion to  intelligence,  ami  that  the  capacity  for  weight 
discrimination  bears  a  negative,  or  inverse,  relation  to 
intelligence ;  pitch  and  length  discrimination,  on  the  other 
hand,  have  a  considerable  positive  relation. 


17 

-•17 

.00 

-.01 

-.20 

-.10 

•5^ 

•41 

.46 

.51 

■44 

.47 

ft' 


i*. 


n 


'ss 


SIMPLE  MENTAL  PROCESSES 


Burt's  results  have  been  corroborated  by  other  investi- 
gators. Thus,  Carey,' ^  who  used  several  tests  for  each 
of  the  capacities  of  tactile,  auditory  and  visual  discrimi- 
nation, found  that  the  correlation  l)et\veen  "  practical  " 
intelligence,  as  estimated  by  teachers,  and  tactile  dis- 
crimination tests  was  slightly  negative,  whereas  the 
correlation  for  discrimination  of  yellows — one  of  "his 
visual  tests — was  twenty-three  per  cent.,  and  for  discrimi- 
nation of  pitches — an  auditory  test — twenty-four  per  cent. 

Binet  confirms  Burt's  notation  of  the  inverse  rela- 
tionship between  intelligence  and  the  ability  to  discriminate 
between  lifted  weights.  He  observes  that  imbeciles  have 
an  amazingly  keen  power  of  weight  discrimination. 

Definitely  positive  correlations  have  been  found  also 
between  intelligence  and  sensitivity  to  pain,^^  as  meas- 
ured by  the  amount  of  pressure  on  the  ball  of  the  thumb 
required  to  produce  slight  pain.  Binet  writes  that  "  the 
threshold  of  sensibility  to  pain  in  the  most  intelligent 
pupils  is  lower  than  in  the  least  intelligent ;  in  other  words, 
to  provoke  in  them  a  minimum  of  pain  requires  a  slighter 
pressure,"  "  This  finding,"  he  continues.  "  compared 
with  that  which  we  have  made  upon  our  iml^eciles,  clearly 
shows  that  sensibility  to  pain  develops  with  the  intelli- 
gence ;  by  pain  w-e  must  here  understand  not  only  a  sensa- 
tion localized  and  appreciated  in  its  intensity,  but  also 
all  the  psychic  reverberations  of  this  pain,  the  ideas  and 

""  Factors  in  the  Mental  Processes  of  School  Children."  British 
Journal  of  Psychology,  vol.  viii,  1915,  pp.  86  and  88.  See  also  Abel- 
son,  "  Mental  Ability  of  Backward  Children."  British  Journal  of 
Psychology,  vol.  iv,  191 1,  p.  303. 
,  "  L'iniell 


"  Binet  and  Simon 
chologique.  vol.  xv,  1909,  pp 


lligence  des  imbeciles,"  L'annee  psy- 

„  .  .,,...     52-58:  Carman,  "Pain  and   Strength 

Measurements    of    1507    School    Children    in    Saginaw,    Michigan," 

American  Journal  of  Ps\cho1oq\'.  vol,  x.  1899,  pp.  i92-v>8;  and  Swift, 
<.  c ii,:i;i..  »_  .r>_;„  "    .1 .•._.:    i _;     ,r   r>        11  .       ■ 

pp.   312-317. 


PRIMITIVE  AND  ADVANCED  RACES        159 

emotions  it  provokes,  which  increase  it  Hke  an  avalanche. 
In  truth  the  highest  intelligences  have  more  merit  in  being 
courageous  than  grosser  natures;  they  are  in  fact  braver, 
though  not  by  absence  of  fear,  nor  by  obtuseness  of 
the  sensibilities,  but  by  domination  over  a  delicate 
sensibility."  ^^ 

In  general,  then,  correlation  l^tween  intelligence  and 
ability  to  make  fine  sensory  discriminations  is  slight. 
The  exact  degree  of  correlation,  even  in  the  case  of  any 
one  sense,  will  depend  upon  the  exact  kind  of  discrimina- 
tion tested.  Thus,  discrimination  of  color  tones  manifests 
a  higher  correlation  with  intelligence  than  does  visual 
acuity.  In  general,  however,  keenness  of  vision,  hearing 
and  sensitivity  to  pain  are  valuable  assets,  because  such 
sensitivity,  and  the  capacity  for  discrimination  of  color 
tones,  lengths  of  lines  and  tone  pitches  show  fairly  definite, 
though  low,  correlations  with  intelligence.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  capacities  for  fine  tactile  discriminations  and 
for  fine  discriminations  between  lifted  weights  display 
either  no  correlation  or  an  inverse  correlation  with  intelli- 
gence. Therefore,  practically  no  relation  exists  between 
capacity  for  fine  weight  and  tactile  discriminations  and 
capacity  for  general  success. 

Comparison  of  the  Senses  of  Primitive  and  Advanced 
Races. — However,  the  ability  to  make  fine  weight  dis- 
criminations is  not  an  undesirable  capacity.  This  fact 
makes  the  negative  correlation  with  intelligence  an  exceed- 
ingly interesting  problem,  for  in  general,  desirable  mental 
traits  show  a  positive  correlation  with  intelligence  and 
with  each  other.  The  explanation  is  no  doubt  to  be  sought 
in  man's  evolutionary  histor}'.    Thus  it  may  be  supposed 

""The  Tnte'liHcnce  nf  tbe  Fpphlp-Minded,"  by  Rinet  and  Simon. 
Translation  by  Elizabeth  .S.  Kite,  1916,  p.  65. 


i6o 


SIMPLE  MENTAL  PROCESSES 


that  at  one  stage  of  evolution  this  capacity,  like  the  capa- 
city for  fine  smell  discriminations  in  the  dog,  was  of  great 
service.  It  may  not  have  been  exactly  the  capacity  for 
making  fine  weight  discriminations,  but  some  capacity 
inseparably  connected  tlierewith,  possibly  some  muscular 
or  motor  capacity.  At  this  stage  in  evolution  a  positive 
correlation  must  have  existed  between  capacity  for  weight 
discrimination  and  intelligence.  Then  the  direction  of 
evolution  changed.  Man  came  to  live  a  life  in  which  an 
exceptional  development  of  this  capacity  did  not  particu- 
larly help  those  possessing  it  to  survive  in  the  struggle  for 
existence.  Evolution  consisted  in  the  development  of 
other  capacities. 

Any  capacity  no  longer  important  in  the  maintenance 
of  the  species  would  have  no  guarantee  of  preservation. 
Individuals  possessing  it  in  a  low  degree  had  the  same 
chance  to  survive  as  those  possessing  it  in  a  high  degree. 
Such  a  capacity,  consequently,  deteriorated,  while)  other 
ones,  more  related  to  intelligence,  were  becoming  per- 
fected. It  might  thus  happen  that  those  capacities,  such 
as  weight  discrimination  and  tactile  discrimination,  which 
show  no  positive  correlation  with  intelligence  in  the 
advanced  civilized  races,  came  to  \ye  capacities  in  which  the 
more  intelligent  individuals  were  often  surpassed  by  the 
less  intelligent,  and  the  highly  developed  races  by  the  more 
primitive,  savage  ones. 

That  savages  may  excel  the  more  intelligent  races  in 
those  traits  which  are  not  definitely  correlated  with  intelli- 
gence in  the  white  man  is  not  merely  a  theoretical 
conclusion.  It  is  a  fact  demonstrated  by  numerous 
observations,  among  the  most  remarkable  of  which  are 
those  made  by  the  Cambridge  Anthropological  Expedition 
to  Torres  ^jtraito.      ihese  straits,  lying  betwc-cii  Dritisli 


PRIMITIVE  AND  ADVANCED  RACES        i6i 

New  Guinea  and  Australia,  are  inhabited  by  Papuans. 
The  distinguished  English  psychologists  who  took  part  in 
the  expedition  set  up  a  small  psychological  laboratory  in 
a  deserted  missionary  house  on  Murray  Island,  where 
for  four  months  they  conducted  a  numl>er  of  tests  among 
the  natives.  The  people  were  sufficiently  civilized  to 
cooperate  with  the  psychologists,  although  they  were 
very  primitive — not  far  removed,  indeed,  from  complete 
savagery,  the  first  civilized  teacher  having  landed  on  the 
island  as  late  as  1871. 

In  touch  and  weight  discrimination  the  primitive 
Papuans  were  found  superior  to  Englishmen.  In  the  skin 
areas  tested,  the  Murray  Islanders  had  a  threshold  of  tac- 
tile discrimination  of  which  the  value,  in  terms  of  distance 
l>etween  the  two  points  touched,  was  just  about  one-half 
that  of  Englishmen.  In  other  words,  their  power  of 
tactile  discrimination  was  about  double  that  of  English- 
men. A  somewhat  similar^  though  less  striking,  result, 
was  obtained  in  the  case  of  discrimination  of  w^eight;  the 
Murray  Islanders  could  distinguish  a  difference  of  3.2  per 
cent.,  whereas  tliirty  Englishmen  tested  in  the  same  man- 
ner could  discriminate  only  a  difference  of  3.9  per  cent, 
"  The  power  of  discrimination  of  small  differences  in 
weight,"  writes  McDougall,  the  member  of  the  expedi- 
tion who  made  these  tests,  "appears  therefore  to  be 
rather  inore  delicate  in  the  Murray  Islanders  than  in 
Englishmen."  ^* 

Pitch  discrimination,  on  the  contrar>',  which  has  been 
found  to  correlate  positively  with  intelligence  in  white 
people,  was  markedly  superior  in  the  Englishmen.  Myers, 
using  a  standard  tuning-fork  of  256  vibrations,  found 

14  <i  n i.     _r     tU-     r^n.^U^'.Arrm      A  n*Virr»n/-i1nfrIrf»1     KvnpHitifin     tO 

Torres  Straits,"  vol.  ii,  part  ii.  1903.  P-  198. 
II 


'J 


I 


z6a 


SIMPLE  MENTAL  PROCESSES 


the  barely  perceptible  difference  in  pitch  for  Murray 
Island  children  to  average  12.5  vibrations,  whereas  for 
Scotch  children  of  Aberdeenshire  he  found  an  aver  ige 
as  low  as  4.7  vibrations.'^  The  pitch  discrimination  of 
the  Scotch  children  was  therefore  better  by  eight  vibra- 
tions than  that  of  the  Murray  Island  children.  The  ability 
of  savages  to  hear  at  a  distance  the  ticking  of  a  watch  was 
also  inferior.  Likewise,  the  sense  of  pain,  keenness  of 
which  correlates  with  intelligence,  was  dull  in  the  Papuans 
and  keen  in  the  white  races.  But  the  Papuans  were  not 
more  lacking  in  sensitiveness  to  pain  and  acuteness  of 
hearing  than  the  Filipinos,  the  Patagcnians,  Africans,  the 
Ainu  and  other  supposedly  primitive  races.^* 

Perception. — Passing  now  to  the  consideration  of 
other  mental  capacities,  we  may  inquire  whether  the 
capacities  for  perception,  imagery  and  feeling  are  more 
closely  identified  with  intelligence  than  is  the  capacity  for 
sensory  discrimination.  It  must  be  answered  that  on 
these  functions  the  data  are  too  meagre  to  justify  very 
definite  conclusions;  but  they  indicate,  at  least,  that  the 
correlation  existing  between  intelligence  and  perc  ions 
and  imagery  is  no  higher  than  for  sensory  discrimination. 

Tests  involving  the  essential  part  of  the  perception 
process  have  not  as  yet  been  employed.  The  important 
thing  about  a  perception  is  that  the  impression  derived 
from  any  object  should  immediately  revive,  and  unite 
with,  the  proper  associates.  Thus,  the  sound  made  by 
an  object  as  it  m.oves  or  as  it  is  dropped,  should  revive 
its  visual  appearance,  its  feel  to  the  touch,  and  its  name. 

"Op.  cit..  p.  168.  The  results  quoted  were  those  ohtained  at  the 
children's  second  sitting. 

"See  Woodworth,  "Racial  Differences  in  Mental  Traiti," 
."> rit'/ii't",  voi.  xxxi,  1510,  p|».  171— iii';;  and  iiiuner,  "  1  he  Heaiiiig  ol 
Primitive  Peoples,"  Archives  of  'Psychology,  No.  11,  igcB. 


PERCEPTION 


163 


To  test  the  accuracy  ct  the  perceptual  processes,  then,  it 
seems  necessary  to  ut:i  tests  in  which  objects  are  pre- 
sented to  one  sense,  but  the  judgments  required  are 
based  on  the  associated  impressions  derived  through  other 
senses.  For  example,  a  number  of  objects  might  be  placed 
before  a  child,  such  as  an  axe,  a  dish-pan,  a  roll  of  cotton, 
and  a  base-ball.  Then  without  touching  them,  he  should 
be  asked  to  indicate  the  heaviest,  the  next  h.  avi-st,  and 
so  on  down  to  the  lightest— the  experim.  ter  arranging 
them  in  the  order  indicated.  Again,  one  may  show  a  child 
a  number  of  carefully  chosen,  familiar  objects,  then  have 
him  close  his  eyes,  and  name  them  merely  from  'he  sound 
they  make  as  they  are  dropped  u;  on  the  table.  These 
tests  resemble  the  game  of  guessing  the  uame  of  a  person 
caught  by  one  who  is  blindfolded.  A  great  variety  might 
be  devised.  How  they  would  correlate  with  measures  of 
intelligence  it  is  impossible  t(  say,  as  the  necessary  in- 
vestigations have  not  been  made.*"' 

Tests  of  perception  so  far  performed  show  that  in 
certain  aspects,  at  least,  perception  correlates  but  slightly 
with  intelligence.  Illustrative  results  have  been  obtained 
with  the  cancellation  test. 

The  cancellation  test  consists  of  a  number  of  lines 
of  letters  printed  in  capital  letters.  The  letters  are  equally 
spaced  and  arranged  in  a  miscellaneous,  meaningless 
order.  The  subject  tested  takes  a  pencil  and.  running 
along  the  letters  as  in  reading,  makes  a  line  through  a 
designated  letter  every  time  he  meets  with  it.  Because 
some  of  the  letters  that  should  be  marked  may  be  omitted, 
and  others  may  be  marked  by  mistake,  there  are  various 

"Tests  of  this  sort  are  now  beinp  used  successfully  by  Dr. 
p„„ T ..'1   ,.f  *i-?  TTr-,;-..rrsitv  r,{  MirncKota.  as  one  of  a  nuinber 

of  group  intelligence  tests. 


i64 


SIMPLl-:  MEXTAL  PROCESSES 


ways  of  scoring  the  test  other  tlian  l>y  taking  simply 
the  numlKT  of  letters  correctly  cancelled  in  the  allotted 
period.  The  result  depends  very  much  on  whether  the 
test  is  graded  simply  for  speed,  for  accuracy,  or  for  Ixjth, 
As  might  Ix;  expected,  there  is  a  tendency  fur  those  who 
work  fast  to  l)e  less  accurate  than  those  who  work  slowly, 
and  there  ajipcars,  further,  to  Ix.-  a  tendency  on  the  part 
of  the  brighter  children  to  seek  accuracy  rather  than 
speed.  When  the  test  is  graded  for  speed,  it  is  likely  to 
give  a  negative  correlation  with  intelligence.  I  gave 
this  test  to  one  hundred  Minneapolis  ten-year-old  school 
cliildren  whose  intelligence  had  been  measured  by 
Terman's  revision  of  the  Binet-Simon  scale.  Grading 
for  speed  only,  I  found  a  negative  correlation  with  intelli- 
gence of  -.16.  This  agrees  with  the  results  of  others 
who  have  found  the  test  to  correlate  negatively  with  school 
marks'*^  and  with  tests  which  are  known  to  correlate 
highly  with  intelligence.^** 

Now  it  cannot  be  denied  that  the  cancellation  has  some- 
times shown  positive  correlations  with  intelligence.  It  is 
particularly  likely  todo  so  when  complicated  by  the  require- 
ment of  cancellation  of  several  letters  instead  of  merely 
one,  and  when  accuracy  is  given  due  weight  in  the  grading. 
On  the  whole,  however,  the  results  obtained  with  this  test 
may  be  regarded  as  indicating  that  neither  great  speed 
nor  great  accuracy  of  simple  perceptual  processes  is  of 
any  advantage  as  far  as  intelligence  is  concerned.  Of 
course  this  conclusion  does  not  mean  that  perception  is  of 
little  advantage.  Both  sensation  and  perception  are  indis- 
pensable to  intelligence ;  but  refinement  beyond  a  certain 

"Whipple,   "Manual   of    Mental   and    Physical   Tests,"   2d   ed 
part  1.  p.  324. 

■•V.^-ro!!     "  rf,,r»lTt;.-.n    .-.^    c:.-.^.=    Pc-.,.-1-..-1.-.— U-1    ....  !    T?J ^•-       : 

Measurements,     1916,  p.  49. 


IMAGERY 


165 


niininmni,  while  it  may  be  of  advantage  in  certain  special 
pursuit-^,  is  of  no  aid  to  success  in  j^cncral. 

Imagery. — The  capacity  for  imagery  is  difficult  to 
investigate,  but  vcr\-  exhaustive  antl  painstaking  studies 
of  imagery  in  children  have  nevertheless  l>een  made.  It 
has  long  been  established,  by  patient  questioning,  that 
children  employ  concrete  imagery  much  more  than  do 
adults.  Children  picture  to  themselves  the  actual  object, 
whereas  adults  think  more  in  terms  (^f  syml>il.>  of  objects, 
especially  in  mere  words.  The  substitution  of  symlx>lic 
or  abstract  images  for  concrete  ones  occurs  gradually,  but 
judging  from  comparative  studies  of  children  and  adults, 
the  change  is  most  marked  at  about  the  age  of  thirteen  to 
fourteen.  Before  the  age  of  puberty  the  normal  child 
thinks  characteristically  in  concrete  terms,  in  terms  of 
particular  instances.  Childhood  is,  and  should  1^,  a  period 
for  the  acquisition  of  a  host  of  detailed,  accurate  percep- 
tions and  images.  Greater  wealth  of  such  ac(iuisition  in 
childhood  provides  a  l>etter  foundation  for  adult  abstrac- 
tions. A  precocious  tendency  towards  the  use  of  abstract 
thought  is  therefore  not  a  promising  sign.  According  to 
Meumann,  a  ver}-  distinguished  authority,  precocity  in 
this  respect  is  characteristic  of  dull  children,  whereas  the 
more  intelligent  are  best  represented  by  the  tendency  to 


use  concrete  images.^** 

On  the  relation  of  intelligence  to  clearness  or  distinct- 
ness of  children's  imagery,  the  most  valuable  evidence  has 
been  obtained  by  Carey.^^  His  investigations  concen- 
trated upon  the  clearness  of  imagery  by  a  large  number  of 

*" "  Intelligenzpriifungen  an  Kindern  der  Volkschule,"  Expcri- 
Dientflle  Pddagogik,  vol.  i,  1905.  p.  93. 

""  Factors  in  the  Mental  Processes  of  School  Children,"  part  i, 

«^-.;;,,„i  „_,!    A  ,,.1:.,,....  T~.2"-,o-v' "     .•-7W';r.'*    fr:frn''-l  r:^  Prvrhnlnnv    vr>!. 

vii,  1915,  pp.  453-490- 


i66 


SIMPLE  MENTAL  PROCESSES 


experiments,  each  of  which  required  the  child  to  make 
introspective  judgments  concerning  the  clearness  of  his 
im.ages.  As  an  illustration  of  his  method,  we  may  cite 
the  following  one  of  eight  tests  used  for  visual  imagery: 

3.  Think  OF  THE  Fire  Engine 

Can  you  picture  the  firemen?    Clearly,  fairly  clearly, 

or  dimly  ? 
Can  you  count   them?      Clearly,    fairly   clearly,    or 

dimly  ? 
Can  you  picture  the  horses  galloping  to  a  fire  ?    Clearly, 

fairly  clearly,  or  dimly? 

Before  the  experiment,  some  pains  were  taken  to 
explain  the  various  degrees  of  clearness.  "  Each  child 
was  asked  to  look  at  a  particular  object  in  the  room  and 
then  to  shut  his  eyes  and  compare  the  clearness  of  the 
image  with  that  of  the  object,  and  an  endeavor  was  made 
to  make  the  meaning  of  the  terms  '  clear,'  '  fairly  clear,' 
and  '  dim,'  as  definite  as  possible.  '  Clear '  was  to  mean 
that  the  image  was  as  plain  as  the  object  itself.  '  Fairly 
clear  '  was  to  mean  that  the  image  was  not  so  plain  as  the 
object,  but  that  it  could  be  maintained  without  much 
effort.  'Dim'  wrs  to  mean  that  the  object  could  be 
pictured,  but  that  it  was  '  shadowy,'  and  kept  coming  and 
going.''  The  introspection  of  mental  processes  is  usually 
considered  too  difificult  for  children,  but  in  the  task  cited  is 
fairly  simple,  and  a  special  study  made  by  Carey  indicated 
that  the  introspections  were  suflficiently  relial)le  for  his 
puq)ose.  He  writes  that  "  not  a  single  case  occurred  of 
a  child  who  appeared  to  have  failed  to  understand  or  to 
Ije  unable  to  answer."  -- 


'Op.  iit..  p.  480. 


IMAGERY 


167 


The  marks  obtained  from  the:  -  t^sts  of  imagery  were 
compared  with  a  ranking  of  c\v  according  to  "  scho- 

lastic "  and  "  practical"  inteli  i,e  drawn  up  by  the 
teachers,  and  also  with  the  mart  jtained  in  the  various 
school  sul)jects.  The  correlations  were  found  in  all  cases 
to  be  verj'  low.  Between  teachers'  estimates  of  intelligence 
and  the  clearness  of  the  different  sorts  uf  imagery,  what 
little  correlation  there  was  tended  to  be  negative.  The 
correlation  with  marks  in  particular  school  subjects  was 
sometimes  slightly  positive  and  sometimes  slightly  nega- 
tive, but  averaged  very  nearly  zero.  Painting  was  the 
only  school  subject  found  to  show  a  positive  correlation 
with  imagery,  and  even  this  correlation  was  low. 

The  findings  of  Carey  conform  with  those  of  other 
investigators.  Rusk,  for  example,  concludes  that  "  Chil- 
dren who  are  l>est  endowed  with  respect  to  the  various 
forms  of  imager>-  do  not,  it  would  appear,  necessarily 
stand  highest  in  school."  ^^ 

The  low  correlation  between  clearness  of  imagery  and 
intelligence  is  not  particularly  difficult  to  understand.  It 
is  commonly  assumed  that  every  type  of  mental  process 
involves  the  use  of  imagery.  This  may  be  true,  although 
its  application  to  thought  processes  is  questionable.  But 
in  thinking  and  reasoning,  imagery  functions  solely 
as  a  symbol.  Almost  any  image  can  be  used  as  the  vehicle 
for  any  thougl'  ,  just  as  different  sounds  or  words  are  used 
in  different  languages,  all  to  indicate  the  same  object 
Admitting,  then, that  imagery  of  some  sort  is  indispensable 
in  all  mental  operations,  it  must  be  conceded  that  in  general 
the  sort  of  imagery,  v:^:ual  or  auditory,  distinct  or  vague, 
is  of  little  impor' 


1  :*: 
i  9 


*y 


"  "  Mental  .\ssociation  in  Children." 
ogy,  vol.  iii,  190CH1910,  p.  385. 


British  Jourual  of  Fsychol- 


i 


i68 


SLMPLE  MENTAL  PROCESSES 


Feelings.— In  addition  to  sensations  and  images  it  h 
customary  to  recognize  a  third  type  of  elcmentar>'  mental 
processes,  namely,  the  feehngs  or  "  affections  "  of  pleas- 
antness and  unpleasantness.  There  is  considerable  dis- 
agreement among  psychologists  concerning  the  status 
which  a  systci7iatic  psychology  should  assign  to  these 
processes.  The  commonest  opinion  is  that  they  are  neither 
sensati(jns  nor  attributes  of  sensations,  but  arc  a  s,j,arate 
class  of  mental  elements.  They  are  usually  distinguished 
sharply  from  the  more  complex  processes  called  emotions 
— joy,  grief,  fear,  love  and  anger. 

There  is  general  agreement  concerning  the  feelings  on 
two  points  of  importance  in  connection  with  intelligence. 
!•  irst,  there  exists  a  ver>'  strong,  inborn  tendency  to  do 
those  things  which  give  pleasure,  and  to  avoid  those  which 
produce  unpleasantness.  In  accordance  with  this  tend- 
ency is  the  recognized  educational  principle  that  "acts 
which  are  to  be  repeated,  ends  that  are  to  lx>  achieved, 
and  behavior  that  is  to  be  confimial,  should  be  made  as 
pleasurable  in  their  consequences  as  possible."  2^  The 
second  point  generally  agreed  upon  is  that  pleasantness  is 
usually  the  sign  of  an  efficient  and  beneficial  functioning 
of  the  nervous  system,  while  unpleasantness  signifies  the 
reverse.  As  a  rule,  the  pleasurable  things  are  those  which 
are  k>neficial,  and  the  impleasant  those  which  are  harmful. 
Xow  since  the  tendency  is  to  do  the  pleasant  things  and 
avoid  the  unpleasant,  it  is  evident  that  the  feelings,  in 
spite  of  their  way\.-ardness.  of  themselves  afTord  an  Indis- 
pensable guide  to  correct  behavior. 

On  general  grounds  the  feelings  thus  appear  to  play 
an  in.portant  part  in  the  determination  of  Ix-navior.  but 
observations  to  prove  their  correlation  with  intelligence 

*'  Colvin  and  Bagley,  "  Human  Behavior,"  1913,  p.  91. 


FEELINGS 


169 


are  few  and  far  between.  So  far  as  tliey  50,  however, 
these  observations  indicate  a  very  considerable  relation. 
It  has  been  frequently  noted  that  feeble-minded  children 
are  below  normal  in  the  strength  of  their  feelmprs,  and  that 
their  feelings  are  often  perverted,  or  out  of  harmony  with 
the  object  producing  them.  According  to  the  observations 
of  Sherlock,  defectiveness  of  the  feelings  is  more  or  less 
proportionate  to  the  degree  of  feeble-mindedness.^^  Tliis 
agrees  with  the  result  noted  earlier  in  this  chapter  that 
sensitivity  to  pain  appears  to  Ix  definitely  correlated  with 
intelligence.  Pain,  to  be  sure,  is  a  sensation,  nnd  not  the 
tame  thing  as  the  feeling  of  unpleasantness'  ye  pain  is 
almost  mvariably  accompanied  by  unpleasantness,  and  sen- 
sitivity to  it  is  probably  closely  correlated  with  acuteness 
of  feeling. 

An  interesting  study  of  the  feelings  was  made  by 
Wylie,  by  taking  advantage  of  tl  well-known  fact  that 
Ijodily  changes  invariably  accompany  the  feelings.  By 
means  of  apparatus  which  recorded  the  breathing,  he  stud- 
ied the  effect  upon  children  produced  by  an  unpleasant 
sensation.  The  sensation  used  in  most  cases  was  that 
of  the  taste  of  quinine.  The  disturbance  produced  in  the 
Itreathing  was  found  to  be  very  slight  in  imbeciles,  but 
increased  to  a  very  marked  degree  as  the  children 
approached  the  normal  in  brightness.^"  He  made  no  ex- 
periments to  test  the  effect  of  pleasure,  but  his  observa- 
tions led  him  to  believe  that  pleasai.'aiess  is  likewise  less 
intense  in  feeble-minded  children. 

This  completes  a  survey  of  the  relationship  between 
intelligence  and  the  elementary'  mental  processes.     Except 

""The  Fceble-Mindeci,"  ion,  IP-  74-76. 

""Instinct's  and  Emotions  of  tlie  Feeble-Minded."  Jovrnal  of 
Psycho-Asthcnics,  vol.  v,  1901,  p.  105. 


i 
( 

,i  !?' 


*;■■' 


I" 


i^ 


I*' 

if'. 


X70 


SIMPLE  MENTAL  PROCESSES 


in  the  case  of  the  feelings,  on  which  data  are  very  scarce, 
the  relationship  is  obviously  not  very  close.  This  docs 
not  mean  that  the  elementary  processes  are  unimportant. 
Without  the  elementar>'  processes  there  could  be  no  com- 
plex ones.  It  means  merely  that  great  refinement  in  the 
simple  mental  operations  is  no  great  asset.  Their  develop- 
ment beyond  a  certain  point  is  of  little  general  value. 
The  important  thing  is  the  arrangement  and  organization 
of  the  mental  processes— the  interrelationships  that  exist 
between  the  simpler  processes  and  the  degree  of  their  co- 
operation in  the  carrying  out  of  the  more  complex  mental 
operations.  Of  all  the  fonns  of  interrelationship  between 
mental  processes,  the  two  most  fundamental  are  those  of 
association  and  attention,  now  to  be  considered. 


I 


CHAPTEr  XX 

ASSOCIATION,  MEMOI.i  AND  ATTENTION 

If  a  single  word  is  pronounced  to  a  person  prepared 
to  give  it  attention,  it  will  at  once  call  to  his  mind  various 
related  words  and  ideas.  Thebt  ideas  in  turn  will  summon 
still  other  ideas,  and  so  the  process  of  'lougl  will  con- 
tinue until  interrupted  by  some  external  event  which 
catches  the  attention  and  initiates  another  series  of  ideas. 
The  entire  course  of  thought,  inci.uling  all  the  complex 
processes  of  imagination,  ju  Igi  ent  and  reasoning  may  be 
analyzed  into  a  set  of  setinences  of  one  idea  up  n  another. 
The  occurrence  of  one  i^  a,  or  of  any  mental  process  in 
sequence  upon,  and  as  the  re  ilt  of,  another,  is  called 
an  association.  Since  all  thinking  is  made  up  of  a  multi- 
tude of  such  sequences,  clearly  the  processes  of  association 
must  pervade  the  entire  ii  .ellectual  life. 

In  its  sir^plest  forms,  association  is  studied  mainly 
by  two  methods^that  of  free  association  and  that  of  con- 
trolled association.  In  the  free  association  method,  the 
subject  allows  to  come  into  his  mind  whatever  associations 
may  spontaneously  arise.  In  the  controlled  association 
method,  on  the  other  hand,  the  associations  of  the  si  Hject 
are  guided  by  instructions  from  the  exai  .iner.  Insteau  of 
coming  and  going  without  direction,  the  associated  ideas 
must  stand  in  some  prescribed  relationship  to  each  other — 
cause  and  effect,  similarity,  or  contrast. 

Free  Association.— The  most  widely  used  procedure 
in  the  free  association  method  is  that  introduced  by  Jung.' 

'"The  Association  Method."    American  Journal  of  Psychology, 

vol.   Xxi,    if^IO,   pp.  21t»-270. 

171 


m 


172       ASSOCIATION,  MEiMORY,  ATTEiNTION 

A  list  of  cuinmoii  words,  called  stimulus  words,  is  pro- 
nounced to  the  pupil,  who  I'as  been  previously  instructed 
to  reply  to  each  word  as  quickly  as  possible  with  the  first 
word  that  it  brings  to  mind.  The  examiner  gives  a  few 
carefully  chosen  illustrations,  to  begin  with,  somewhat 
in  this  fashion  ;  "  When  I  give  you  a  word,  for  example, 
rat,  you  answer  just  as  quickly  as  you  can  with  the  ver>' 

first  word  that  comes  into  your  head,  no  matt-^r  what  it  is 

it  may  be  mouse  or  cat,  or  it  may  be  cheese,  floor,  hole 
or  chimney,  or  something  that  doesn't  make  any  sense 
at  all,  like  hat  or  teacher.  Never  reply  by  more  than  a 
shigle  word."  The  reply  is  made  orally  when  txie  test  is 
given  to  the  children  individually,  and  in  writing  when  the 
lest  is  a  class  experiment. 

Upon  careful  examination  the  replies  received  with  a 
hst  of  one  hundred  words  are  found  to  be  surprisingly 
mteresting  and  illuminating.    Peculiar  associations  gener- 
.  lly  signify  some  peculiarity  in  the  child's  previous  experi- 
ence,^ since  it  is  a  fundamental  law  of  association  that 
one  idea  cannot  call  up  anodier  in  immediate  sequence 
to  itself  unless  the  two  have  I:>een  connected   in   some 
previous  experience.    An  analysis  should  consequently  Ije 
made  of  all  peculiar  associations  by  persuading  the  child 
t(^^  recall  in  detail  the  experiences  which  explain  them. 
When  the  tests  are  given  individually,  it  is  also  important 
to  note  tliose  in  which  the  response  is  a  long  time  fortli- 
coming,  and  to  analyze  these  also,  particularly  to  deter- 
mine whether  or  not  the  delay   is  due  to   any   strong 
emotional  connections. 

I  have  found  this  analysis  of  the  peculiar  and  hesi- 
tating responses  particularly  valuable  in  the  study  of 
juvenile  court  cases.  For  example.  I  once  gave  the  free 
association   test  to  a  thirteen-year-old  boy  accused  of 


FREE  ASSOCIATION 


173 


having  stolen  some  copper  wire.  He  obstinately  tlenie<l 
the  theft.  In  a  long  list  of  stimulus  words,  I  inserted  the 
word  copper  and  immediately  afterwards  the  word  wire. 
To  the  word  copper,  the  boy  replied  promptly  with  cut — 
a  peculiar  response;  but  at  the  ^' ord  zvirc,  he  Ijecame 
confused,  and  after  ahont  thirty  seconds  respondeil  with 
garage.  When  I  asked  him  why  xvirc  suggested  to  him 
garage,  the  young  delinquent  knew  that  he  had  betrayed 
himself,  and  immediately  confessed. 

The  results  of  the  free  association  test  can  be  ade- 
quately interpreted  only  with  the  aid  of  "  association 
frequency  tables."  These  tables  show  the  responses  to 
a  given  stimulus  word,  and  the  number  of  times  each 
one  occurs  among  the  resp<:)nses  of  one  thousand  individ- 
uals. It  has  been  found  that  the  same  word  pronounced 
to  one  thousand  persons  does  not  bring  out  one  thousand 
different  responses.  For  example,  to  the  word  dark, 
over  four  hundred  out  of  a  thousand  children  will  respond 
with  the  word  night,  and  to  the  word  scissors,  about  eight 
hi'  idred  out  of  a  thousand  will  respond  with  the  word  cut. 
Besides  the  most  frequent  response,  there  are  always  many 
others,  so  tha*;,  on  the  average,  something  over  one  hun- 
dred different  responses  will  be  obtained  from  one  thous- 
and children.  A  frequency  table  shows  the  number  of 
children  in  one  thousand  giving  each  of  the  responses. 

As  an  illustration,  I  may  give  the  following  frequency 
table  2  compiled  from  the  responses  of  Minneapolis  school 
children  tron-  nine  to  twelve  years  of  age,  to  the  stimtilus 
word,  fun.  The  favorite  response  is  play,  given  by  304 
children.  Before  each  response  is  placed  the  number  of 
children  giving  it. 

'  See  Woodrcw  and  Lowell,  "  Children's  Association  Frequency 
Tables."    Psychological  Monographs,  No.  97,  1916,  p.  41. 


i  I , 


J. 


k] 


X74       ASSOCIATION,  MEMORY,  ATTENTION 

^^^OSSES^^OJCHEVn^      BV  ONE  THOUSAND  ScHOOL  CHILDREN 


2  bad 
35  baU 
7  baseball 
5  basketball 

1  box 
4  boy 

10  boys 

2  build 
I  bun 
I  butter 

I  can 


1  cap 

4  cheery 

2  child 

13  children 
I  clock 
I  cookie 

3  dark 

1  delight 

2  delightful 

4  digging 

2  dirt 
Idol! 
9  dolls 

3  doors 


I  down 

1  drowned 

2  eat 
5  eating 

1  enjoy 

2  enjoying 

2  fall 

2  fell 

3  fight 

I  finger 
9  fishing 
I  food 
15  football 
3  frolic 

3  full 

5  funny 

12  game 

38  games 

I  gay 

1  girl 

2  girls 

4  glad 
9  good 

4  good  time 


I  ground 
4  gun 

1  had 

16  happy 

4  happiness 

17  have 

II  hide-and-seek 
4  hockey 

2  hop 

3  hurt 


3  lunch 

6  marbles 
2  money 

1  much 

8  nice 

2  noise 

2  outdoors 
I  outside 


I  I 

I  it 

3  jokes 

1  joking 
6  jolly 

29  joy 
6  jump 

18  laugh 

2  laughed 

3  laughing 
I  light 
5  like 
5  lots 


394  play 
34  playing 
4  pleasure 

3  race 
2  ran 

1  rat 

2  read 

3  recess 

3  rope 
46  run 

I  running 

4  school 
I  see 


1  sew 

2  shovel 

2  show 

4  skate 

1  skates 

1 1  skating 

3  sled 

2  slide 

5  snow 

6  snowball 

6  snowballs 
2  snowfight 

4  sport 

7  swimming 

22  tag 
2  time 
2  toy 
I  toys 

1  very 

2  walk 
I  water 
I  well 

I  window 


Frequency  tables  have  been  compiled  on  an  elaborate 
scale  both  for  adults  »  and  for  children/  so  that  interest- 
ing comparisons  may  readily  be  made.  How  striking  is 
the  difference  between  the  two  groups  may  be  seen  by 
comparmg  their  commonest  responses.  These  responses 
are  given  in  the  accompanying  table  for  ten  words,  chosen 
as  among  the  words  for  which  the  difference  is  greatest. 

^J.  ^'^"*  r^"''   RosanoflF,  "  A   Study  of   Association   in    Insanity" 
Amencan  Journal  of  /nsamty.  vol.  Ixvii.  1910,  Nos.  i  and  2 
*Vvaodrow  and  Lowell,  op.  cit. 


FREE  ASSOCIATION 


«7$ 


The  frequency  of  the  commonest  response  of  each  group 
is  given  in  italics.  For  each  of  the  commonest  of  one 
group,  is  given  in  plain  type  the  corresponding  frequency 
of  the  other  group. 

Comparison  of  the  Frequencies  of  Favorite  Responses   in  One 
Thousand  Adults  and  One  Thousand  Children 


Stimulus  word 

Response 

I.  Table 

chair 

eat 

2.  Sickness 

health 
doctor 

3.  Man 

woman 
work 

4.  Girl 

boy 
dress 

5-  Deep 

shallow 
hole 

6.  Needle 

thread 

sew 

7.  Sleep 

rest 
bed 

8.  Stomach 

food 
ache 

9.  Doctor 

physician 
sick 

10.  Hand 

foot 
fingers 

Adults 

267 

63 

394 
17 

350 
8 

180 

t6o 
134 

300 

75 

102 
31 

213 

52 

204 
83 


Children 
16 

6 
116 

8 
168 

40 
240 

6 

72 
449 

40 
351 

82 
l8g 

6 
448 

o 
130 


Ix 


A  careful  study  of  a  list  of  one  hundred  responses, 
[  articularh'  when  frequency  tables  are  at  hand  for  com- 
parison, is  often  valuable  in  forming  an  estimate  of  a 
child's  intelligence.     Among  the  special  characteristics 


176       ASSOCIATION,  MEMORY,  ATTENTION 

which  distinguish  the  associations  of  the  less  iiuelhgeiit 
from  the  more  intelligent  are  the  following  five:  ( i )  The 
less  intelligent  frequently  misunderstand  or  misinterpret 
the  stimulus  word.    (2 )  They  often,  fail  to  give  a  response. 
(3)   They  offer  a   numlx.'r  of  senseless  responses— the 
response  word  standing  in  no  apparent  relation  to  the 
stmiulus  word.     (4)  Their  responses  give  evidence  of  less 
mental  effort,  being  sometimes  only  a  changed  form  of 
the  stimulus  word,  as  wish— wishing,  or  a' meaningless 
sound  association,  as  fruit— boot.     (5)  Their  responses 
are  likely  to  show  mental  inertia,  of  which  there  are  two 
main  types.    First,  the  response  may  consist  in  the  simple 
repetition  of  a  previous  stimulus  word  or  of  a  previous 
response  word.    Second,  a  stimulus  word  may  start  a  train 
of  ideas,  which  persists  and  determines  the  succeeding 
responses  independently  of  the  stimulus  word.    Illustrat*^ 
ing  this  latter  sort  of  inertia,  one  dull  lx)v  responded  to 
house  by  barn;  then  to  black  by  Jwrse;  then^  without  refer- 
ence to  the  stimulus  word,  to  fun  by  cow;;  and  so  on.     In 
this  case  the  boy's  mind  was  on  the  animals  in  the  bam. 
and  no  matter  what  word  was  pronounced  to  him.  he  con- 
tinued to  respond  by  something  connected  with  the  topic 
then  dominating  his  thought. 

When  a  more  quantitative  expression  of  the  integrity 
of  the  association  processes  is  desired,  that  is.  a  measure- 
ment that  can  be  expressed  in  numbers,  the  l>est  procedure 
IS  probably  that  suggested  by  Romer.»  It  involves  going 
over  the  responses  of  each  child  and  checking  ofiF  every 
"  favorite  "  response.     A   favorite  response  is  the  one 

PP  ia-ioi  ^'^'^'''''9^  «»rf  ^hrer  An-^'cndinujcn,  vol.  iii,  1914, 


CONTROLLED  ASSOCIATION 


'77 


which  has  the  highest  frequency  in  the  frequency  table 
for  the  corresponding"  stimulus  word.  According  to 
Romer,  a  conspicuously  small  nunil)er  of  favorite 
responses  indicates  inferiority  of  intelligence.  He  finds 
that  the  great  majority  of  mentally  retarded  children 
respond  with  a  smaller  number  of  favorite  responses 
than  do  three-fourths  of  normal  children  of  the  same 
chronological  age. 

In  view  of  all  its  possibilities  the  free  association  test 
has  been  regarded  as  one  of  the  most  valuable  single 
tests  yet  devised.  Its  chief  worth  lies  in  the  opportunity 
it  affords  for  psychological  analysis,  and  in  its  picturing 
of  a  child's  mental  make-up.  In  these  respects  it  is 
superior  to  the  controlled  association  tests.  The  latter 
give  a  ranking,  a  numljer,  but,  like  many  other  mental 
tests,  little  more. 

Controlled  Association. — The  controlled  association 
tests,  although  they  do  not  intimately  reveal  the  nature 
of  the  child's  mind  in  the  manner  of  the  free  association 
tests,  give  measures  vcr}'  closely  correlated  with  the  child's 
brightness.  To  a  certain  extent,  they  may  be  regarded 
as  tests  of  the  organization  of  associations,  or  rather  of 
the  degree  of  discipline  within  that  organization.  They 
test  the  ability  to  perform  the  right  mental  operation  at 
the  right  time,  a  power  of  obvious  importance.  Controlled 
association  tests  are  numerous.  I  shall  mention  only 
two,  the  "  opposites  "  test  and  the  "  completion  "  test. 

The  opposites  test  is  one  of  a  number,  in  which  the 
subject  must  respond  to  the  stimulus  word  not  simply 
with  whatever  word  occurs  to  him,  but  with  a  word 
standing  in  some  prescribed  logical  relation  to  the  stim- 
ulus word.     In  the  opposites  test,  the  response  must 

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178      ASSOCL\TION,  MEMORY,  ATTENTION 

consist  of  a  word  meaning  the  exact  opposite  of  the  stimu- 
lus word.  Both  accuracy  and  speed  are  involved,  and 
therefore  the  test  may  be  graded  in  various  ways,  but  the 
simplest  way  is  to  take  the  number  of  correct  opposites 
written  in  a  given  time.  Here  are  two  popular  lists  of 
stimulus  words.  The  easy  list,  recommended  by  Professor 
Whipple,  is  suitable  for  children  of  lo  years  or  younger, 
and  the  more  difficult,  proposed  by  Professor  Pyle,  is 
adapted  to  older  children  and  to  adults. 


Easy  Opposites 
high 
summer 
out 
white 
slow 
yes 
above 
north 
top 
wet 
good 
rich 
up 

front 
long 
hot 
east 
day 
big 
love 


Hard  Opposites 
best 
weary 
cloudy 
patient 
careful 
stale 
tender 
ignorant 
doubtful 
serious 
reckless 
join 
advance 
honest 
gay 
forget 
calm 
rare 
dim 
difficult 


Exceedingly  high  correlations  with  intelligence  have 
been  demonstrated  by  data  obtained  with  this  test.  A 
number  of  experimenters  have  v/orked  out  percentages  of 
correlation  in  the  neighborhood  of  eighty .«  Both  peda- 
gogically  retarded  and  feeble-minded  children  fall  defi- 

*  Bonser,  "  The  Reasoning  Ability  of  Children,"  1910,  p.  loi : 
and  bimpson,     Correlations  of  Mental  Abilities,"  1912,  p.  75. 


CONTROLLED  ASSOCIATION 


179 


nitely  below  the  normal  ones  in  this  test,  in  speed  as  well 
as  in  quality  of  response.^ 

The  completion  test  correlates  as  highly  with  intelli- 
gence as  does  the  opposites  test.  It  consists  of  a  passage 
of  prose  in  which  certain  words  have  been  omitted.  Each 
omitted  word  is  represented  by  a  blank,  which  the  subject 
is  required  to  fill  with  a  word  that  makes  good  sense. 
The  associations  are  thus  controlled  by  the  context.  While 
the  completion  test,  from  the  psychological  point  of  view, 
may  best  be  classified  as  a  test  of  controlled  association, 
it  cannot  be  denied  that  success  in  it  is  also  to  some  extent 
dependent  upon  imagination  and  linguistic  ability.  Almost 
any  text  can  be  adapted  for  use  as  a  completion  test. 
Passages  from  school  texts  already  studied  by  the  pupil, 
or  other  passages  based  thereon,  when  converted  into  com- 
pletion tests,  may  serve  excellently  in  place  of  the  ordi- 
nary type  of  examination  questions.  If  the  right  words 
have  been  omitted,  only  a  child  with  the  requisite  com- 
prehension of  the  subject  will  be  able  to  fill  in  the  blanks 
correctly.  For  psychological  purposes  a  great  variety  of 
texts  have  been  used. 

The  best  known  of  the  completion  tests,  perhaps, 
are  those  used  by  Trabue  as  measures  of  the  language 
ability  of  school  children.  There  are  a  number  of  sets 
of  these,  two  of  which  are  here  reproduced,  the  one, 
Scde  B,  for  younger  children,  the  other.  Scale  L,  for 
older  children.8  Only  one  word  is  to  be  written  in 
each  blank. 


'  Squire,  "  Graded  Mental  Tests,"  Journal  of  Educational  Psychol- 
1P''  \?''  ^'v''^'^'  P-  ■^^^''  ^"^  Norsworthy,  "The  Psychology  of 
Mentally  Deficient  Children,"  Archives  of  Psxcholoqv  No  i  1006 
pp.  59-62.  ■  -^  ■     ,     j^, 

'Published  and  copyrighted  by  Teachers'  College,  Columbia 
University,  New  York  City, 


;* 


■i 


i8o      ASSOCIATION,  MEMORY,  ATTENTION 


The  Trabue  Language  Tests 

Scale  B 

I.  We  like  good  boys girls. 

^-  The is  barking  at  the  cat. 

3-   The  stars  and  the will  shine  to-night 

f  |,""^ .often  more  valuable monev. 

S-  1  he  poor  baby     . . .       as  if  it  were sick. 

o-  -she if  she  will. 

7.  Brothers  and  sisters always to   hcln 

and  should quarrel. 

8.  . . ... . . .  weather  usually a  good  efifect one's  spirits 

9.  It  is  very  annoying  to tonth-arhr  „^»-„ 


.Other 


10.  To 


very  annoying  to tooth-ache, often 

comes  at  the  most time  imaginable. 

friends  is  always the it  takes. 


*f  Scale  L 

o-  Slnf  ^" are  rude. not  easily  win  friends. 

^-  -^'^gfj^- exercise    and air healthy and 

^       ^'  '^"ing'.'.V^°  maintain health,  one  should  have   nourish- 

4-  -•■,•■•    happiness  cannot  be with  money. 

t-l         ^°-. always  express  his  thoughts 

"•  ^o to    wait,   alter    having to   go 

very  annoying.  

Memory.— Closely  related  to  the  tests  of  controlled 
association  are  those  ordinarily  used  for  measuring  mem- 
ory. Every  act  of  memory  is  one  of  controlled  association. 
A  rem«:il>cred  word  or  idea  comes  into  mind  through 
association  with  some  other  idea,  and  memorizing  consiSs 
simply  in  the  formation  of  associations.  Thus,  in  memor- 
izing a  French-English  vocabulary,  the  process  is  one  of 
establishing  associations  between  the  French  words  and 
the  corresponding  English  words;  and  memory  for  such 
a  vocabu]ar>'  is  tested  by  giving  the  French  words  to 
determine  whether  or  not  they  call  up  the  right  association, 
in  such  tests,  the  associations  are  even  more  strictly  con- 
trolled than  they  are  in  the  opposites  test;  for  although  a 


MEMORY 


i8t 


word  may  have  several  fairly  accurate  opposites,  a  given 
French  word  has  only  one  correct  translation.  The  proc- 
ess of  memorizing  a  connected  passage  consists  in  forming 
associations  between  each  word  or  phrase  and  the  succeed- 
ing ones.  It  is  evident,  then,  that  memory  tests  might 
very  properly  be  grouped  under  tests  of  controlled 
association. 

The  difference  between  association  tests  and  memory 
tests  is  that  in  the  former  the  associations  brought  to 
light  by  the  test  have  been  formed  in  the  individual's  past 
experience,  before  the  test  is  given  to  him ;  whereas  in  the 
latter  they  are  formed  under  the  control  of  the  examiner. 
The  association  tests  appraise  the  organization  of  associa- 
tions formed  in  the  past  under  more  or  less  vague  con- 
ditions, whereas  memory  tests  reveal  the  power  of  form- 
ing associations  by  determining  their  strength  after  a 
definite  and  carefully  controlled  period  of  study. 

It  is  irrefutable  that  an  individual  may  remember  one 
class  of  facts  or  objects  much  better  than  he  does  others. 
It  follows,  then,  that  to  obtain  an  accurate  idea  of  any 
individual's  memory,  a  number  of  tests  must  be  given 
so  as  to  include  a  considerable  variety  of  memory  mate- 
rials. A  variety  of  methods  should  be  used.  In  general, 
memory  is  tested  by  presenting  to  the  subject  for  study 
certain  memory  material,  and  afterwards  calling  upon  the 
subject  to  reproduce  the  material,  which  may  be  either 
visual  or  auditory,  that  is,  either  seen  or  heard,  and  may 
consist  either  of  words  or  of  objects,  such  as  pictures 
or  geometrical  diagrams.  The  subject  may  reproduce 
this  material  by  any  possible  means  of  expression,  by 
speech,  by  writing,  by  drawing,  by  pointing,  or,  with 
musical  material,  by  whistling,  singing,  or  playing  upon 
some  musical  instrument.    Three  chief  tvnes  nf  nmr^dnrp 


hi^ 


»"■ 


1 82       ASSOCIATION,  MEMORY,  ATTENTION 


may  be  followed.  These  are,  the  method  of  right  asso- 
ciates; the  method  of  amount  retamed;  and  the  learning 
method.  There  are  drawbacks  as  well  as  advantages  to 
each  of  them. 

The  method  of  paired  associates  is  in  some  ways  the 
most  satisfactory.  Words,  numbers,  colors,  or  even  con- 
crete objects  may  be  used  as  the  units  to  be  memorized. 
They  may  be  presented  to  either  the  eye  or  the  ear,  hence 
let  us  suppose  that  spoken  words  are  to  be  used.  Pairs  of 
words  are  read  to  the  children,  who  are  required  to 
repeat  each  pair  out  loud  before  the  following  pair  is  read. 
The  list,  which  may  be  of  any  desired  length,  is  some- 
times repeated  more  than  once.  Then  the  first  words 
of  the  pairs  are  read  alone,  in  a  new  order,  and  the  children 
write  down  the  other  word  of  each  pair.  It  is  much  like 
the  procedure  used  in  testing  an  English  and  foreign  lan- 
guage vocabulary,  in  which  each  foreign  word  has  its 
English  associate,  but  differs  therefrom  in  that  both  mem- 
bers of  each  pair  are  English  words  and  the  number  of 
repetitions  is  controlled  by  the  examiner,  A  good  varia- 
tion of  the  method  is  to  give  a  number  to  each  of  a  list 
of  words,  then,  after  reading  both  the  words  and  their 
numbers,  to  read  the  words  only  and  ask  the  children  to 
write  down  the  numbers.  In  all  cases  the  measure  of 
memory  is  the  number  of  second  members  of  the  pairs 
written  correctly,  that  is,  the  number  of  right  associates. 
As  in  all  memory-  examinations,  the  testing  proper  may 
l)e  postponed  to  any  desired  time  after  the  original  pres- 
entations of  the  material. 

The  method  of  amount  retained,  in  the  broadest  sense, 
may  be  said  to  include  all  the  other  methods.  It  is  ordi- 
narily used,  however,  to  designate  the  testing  of  memory 


MEMORY 


183 


taking  as  the  measure  of  memory  the  amount  (number 
of  words,  digits  or  other  elements)  that  the  subject  can 
correctly  reproduce.  Material  commonly  used  consists 
of  short  prose  passages  of  uniform  difficulty  throughout, 
or  of  lists  of  words,  digits  or  letters.  The  largest  num- 
ber of  such  elements  tliat  can  be  correctly  reproduced  after 
one  presentation  is  known  as  the  memorj'  "  span."  It  is 
determined  by  beginning  with  a  short  series,  say  of  three 
words,  easily  reproduced,  and  gradually  increasing  the 
length  of  the  series,  one  element  at  a  time,  until  they 
are  of  such  length  that  they  can  no  longer  be  reproduced 
correctly.  The  greatest  length  of  series  that  is  reproduced 
correctly  in  two  trials  out  of  three  may  be  taken  as  the 
memory  span. 

The  third  method  of  measuring  memory  is  the  learnmg 
method.  Somewhat  difficult  to  control  accurately,  it  is 
nevertheless  a  useful  method.  Its  object  is  to  determine 
the  amount  of  study,  measured  either  in  terms  of  time 
or  number  of  repetitions,  required  to  learn  a  given  material 
just  well  enough  to  be  able  to  reproduce  it  without  error. 
According  to  this  method  the  child  who  can  correctly 
recite  a  verse  of  poetry  after  the  shortest  period  of  study 
has  the  best  memory  of  his  class. 

T'  "se  methods,  with  numerous  modifications  of  them, 
have  been  used  extensively  in  studying  the  importance  of 
memory  in  respect  to  intelligence.  A  very  considerable 
degree  of  correlation  has  been  discovered.  Brown  tested 
memory  for  poetry  and  for  nonsense  syllables  in  London 
schools,  and  found  correlations  in  the  neighborhood  of 
fifty  per  cent,  with  school  marks  and  with  general  intelli- 
gence as  estimated  by  teachers.-'     Some  investigators  have 

»  "  Some  Experimental  Results  in  the  Correlation  of  Mental  Abili- 
tip-. "     Rritisk  Jourml  of  Psychology,  vol.  iii.  IQIO,  pp.  296-322. 


i84       ASSOCIATION,  MEMORY,  ATTENTION 


found  lower,' °  others  higher,'*  correlations.  In  general, 
good  memor}'  seems  more  essential  to  a  high  order  of 
intelligence  than  the  ability  to  make  fine  sensory  dis- 
criminations, but  less  important  than  the  organization  of 
associations  as  tested  by  the  opposites  tcsl;  or  the  com- 
pletion test. 

One  of  the  best  ways  of  determining  the  importance 
of  any  mental  capacity  as  a  factor  in  intelligence  is  to 
determine  to  what  extent  its  impairment  parallels  the 
enfeeblement  of  intelligence.  This  method  has  been 
employed  in  a  number  of  investigations  of  memory  in 
the  feeble-minded.  Johnson  may  be  quoted  as  representa- 
tive ;  he  writes  of  the  memory  span : 

"  The  results  of  the  memor}-  tests  show  that  the  feeble- 
minded fall  considerably  below  normal  children  in  memory 
span.  But  the  memory  span  is  so  good  in  some  cases, 
and  the  average  for  the  majority  so  high,  that  we  are  led 
to  conclude  that  the  degree  in  which  the  memory  span 
of  feeble-mi iided  f^hildren  falls  below  that  of  normal  chil- 
dren is  not  commensurate  with  the  degree  in  which  the 
feeble-minded  fall  below  normal  children  in  general  intel- 
ligence. Moreover,  it  is  evident  that  the  deficiency  in 
attention  and  will-power,  so  proverbial  in  the  feeble- 
minded child,  would  tend  to  cause  the  memory  span  to  be 
lower  than  that  which  a  normal  child  of  equal  physiologi- 
cal retentiveness  of  memory  would  have.  Hence  we  may 
conclude  that  weakness  of  memory,  physiologically  speak- 
ing, is  not  a  specially  prominent  factor  in  feeble- 
mindedness." '2 

"  Carey,  "  Factors  in  the  Mental  Processes  of  School  Children," 
part  ii.    British  Journal  of  Psychology,  vol.  viii,  IQ15,  p.  88. 

"  Burt.  "  E.xpcrimental  Tests  of  General  Intelligence."  British 
Journal  of  Psychology,  vol.  iii,  1909,  pp.  141-145. 

'^ "  Contribution  to  the  Psvcholoafv  and  Pedasfosv  of  Peehle- 
Afinded  Qiildren."  Journal  of  Psycho- Asthenics,  vol.'  ii,  1897,  PP- 
6S-69. 


ATTENTION 


185 


In  addition  to  the  fact  that  memory  is  dependent  upon 
attention  and  will-power,  it  should  l^e  noted  that  to  a 
certain  extent  memory  also   involves  the  capacity   for 
rational  reconstruction.    If  certain  items  of  a  short  story 
are  rememl)ered,  an  intelligent  person  can  fill  in  others 
from  imagination,  and  so  reconstruct  the  story,  if  not  in 
its  original  form,  at  least  in  such  a  way  as  to  make  good 
sense.    The  feeble-minded  confuse  a  story  hopelessly— so 
that  it  is  a  jumble  of  words  without  meaning— show- 
ing themselves  to  be  very  weak  in  the  capacity  for  putting 
together  in  a  logical  way  items  which  they  may  contrive 
to  remember.    It  is,  of  course,  less  desirable  to  remember 
well  than  to  remember  the  right  things.    It  takes  judgment 
to  decide  what  is  worth  remembering.    It  is  not  memory 
in  itself,  but  the  use  that  is  made  thereof,  which  deter- 
mines intelligence.    Consequently,  it  is  easy  to  understand 
why  memory  ability,  in  spite  of  its  enormous  value,  falls 
so  far  short  of  perfect  correlation  with  intelligence. 

Attention.— Attention,  like  association,  is  fundamen- 
tal. It  shares  in  every  mental  operation.  It  is  the  great 
steadying  and  directing  factor  of  the  mind.  Association 
is  the"  process  whereby  the  stream  of  mental  events  con- 
tinues to  run  its  course;  attention  is  the  process  which 
directs  the  stream  to  a  certain  course,  and  thus,  holding 
it  in  bounds,  preserves  its  force  and  vigor,  instead  of 
allowing  it  to  be  dissipated  by  aimless  meanderings  in 
any  direction. 

Good  attention  means  devotion  to  the  business  at  hand. 
It  amounts  to  a  surrender  of  the  mind  to  the  object  of 
interest,  so  that  the  latter  takes  complete  possession.  This 
object  of  interest  may  be  an  external  spectacle  or  the  solu- 
tion of  an  abstruse  problem,  but.  whatever  it  may  be,  the 
greater  the  degree  of  attention  directed  to  it,  the  greater 
the  amount  ofmentaJ  energy  thereby  absorbed.     Mental 


ii 


i86       ASSOCIATION,  MEMORY,  ATTENTION 

energy  is  monopolized  by  one  set  of  mental  operations, 
which  thus  reinforce  themselves  at  the  expense  of  all 
conflicting  ones,  and,  ly  so  doing,  acquire  greater  strength 
and  efficiency,  manifested  hy  the  success  of  the  actions 
to  which  they  lead. 

The  difference  between  good  attention  and  bad  atten- 
tion is  primarily  a  matter  of  degree.  In  dull  children,  the 
degree  of  attention  is  weak;  power  of  concentration  is 
lacking.  Inability  to  resist  distractions  accompanies  this 
general  feebleness  of  attention.  Every  little  external 
occurrence  is  a  successful  but  short-lived  claimant  of 
mental  favor.  There  is  no  loyalty  to  any  one  purpose. 
Occasionally,  but  rarely,  children  show  exceptional  irregu- 
larity of  attention,  the  degree  of  attention  being  good  as  a 
rule,  but  at  times  very  poor.  In  these  cases  an  attempt 
should  be  made  to  ascertain  the  cause  of  the  marked 
irregularity.    It  may  be  necessary  to  consult  a  physician. 

To  estimate  the  degree  of  attention  ot  which  a  child 
is  capable  is  exceedingly  difficult.  The  teacher  can  judge 
of  a  child's  attention  only  by  his  demeanor,  and  this  is 
very  misleading.  In  general,  no  doubt,  the  child  who 
keeps  his  eyes  on  his  work  and  appears  to  be  absorbed 
in  his  occupation  is  paying  better  attention  than  one  who 
fidgets  about.  And  no  doubt  it  speaks  well  of  the  power 
of  attention  of  the  pupils  in  a  class  if  it  is  easy  to  secure 
perfect  quiet  from  them.  A  great  difference  between  the 
second  grade  and  the  eighth  grade  is  noticeable  in  the 
amount  of  scuffling  of  the  feet  while  the  class  is  atten- 
tively at  work.  But  these  signs  at  best  lead  to  no  better 
than  a  rough  estimate  of  attention,  and  not  to  accu- 
rate measures. 

The  principle  on  which  are  based  most  of  the  scientific 
methods  for  measuring  attention  is  that  the  higher  the 
degree  of  attention  to  a  specified  task,  the  greater  the 


ATTENTION 


187 


m 


resistance  to  distraction.' ^  The  subject's  efficiency  in 
some  mental  work  is  first  measured  under  highly  favorable 
conditions,  and  then  under  distraction.  The  greater  the 
decrease  in  his  efficiency  as  the  result  of  distraction,  the 
poorer  his  attention.  The  distraction  may  be  produced 
by  requiring  the  subject  to  carry  on  some  other  mental 
work  simultaneously  with  the  principal  mental  work, 
or  merely  by  some  modification  in  the  conditions  of  the 
work,  so  that  greater  attention  is  required  to  attain  the 
same  results.  The  dotting  test  is  a  good  illustration  of 
this  latter  method,  in  which  the  distraction  (or.  as  I  prefer 
to  say  in  this  case,  the  detraction)  consists  simply  in  an 
increase  in  the  difficulty  of  the  conditions  under  which 
attention  must  be  given. 

The  dotting  test,  used  by  Burt  upon  school  children,** 
is  far  from  being  purely  a  test  of  attention.  It  does  not 
measure  attention  apart  from  other  factors.  Nevertheless 
it  makes  great  demands  upon  attention.  The  task  of  the 
pupil  in  this  test  is  to  mark  with  a  pencil  each  dot  of  an 
irregular  zigzag  row,  printed  upon  a  paper  tape,  as  shown 
in  figure  No.  9.  The  tape  is  seen  through  a  small  window, 
past  which  it  is  carried  by  a  small  drum  rotated  by 
clock-work.  The  task  can  be  made  more  and  more  diffi- 
cult by  increasing  the  speed  of  the  drum. 

"The  subject  watches  and  marks  the  dots  as  they 
appear  through  the  window,  and  are  carried  past  to  his 
left.  Each  act  of  dotting  constitutes  a  discrimination 
reaction,  and  a  spell  of  dotting  constitutes  a  series  of  such 
reactions  performed  at  full,  or  nearly  full,  speed.     .     .     . 

"  See  Wcxjdrow,  "  The  Measurement  of  Attention,"  Psychologi- 
cal Monographs.  No.  76,  IQM,  P-  158;  also  "Outline  as  a_ Condition 
of  Attention,"  Journal  of  Experimental  Psychology,  vol.  1,  1910,  PP- 
23-30:  and  "The  Faculty  of  Attention,"  ibid.,  vol.  i,  1916.  pp.  28S-3i»; 
''     li  "  r- ,..-.. ...:..,oi-.!.-!  T-ctc  .-.?  r..-r!."r2l  Tr.tp'licrprjre."    Bntuh  Journal 

of  Psychology,  vol.  iii,  1909,  pp.  1 53-1 57- 


i:M 


1 88       ASSOCIATION    iMEMORY.  ATTENTION 

As  the  position  of  each  d(jt  is  unknown  till  it  is  seen, 
each  stroke  has  to  l>e  aimed.  This  requires  a  sustained 
effort  of  attention,  the  degree  of  effort  ilepending  upon 
the  rate  of  the  strokes,  and  therefore  measured  by  the  rate 
of  movement  of  the  dots  upon  the  paper.  When  marked, 
the  paper  furnishes  a  permanent  seraphic  record  of  the 
maiiUeiiance  of  the  effort,  failure  of  continuity  of  atten- 
tion heinjj  indicated  by  the  presence  of  pencil  marks 
unainicd  or  of  dots  unmarked."''^ 

Besitles  the  dottin^  test,  devised  especially  to  test  the 
power  of  sustained  attention,  Burt  used  eleven  other  tests. 


o 


o 


o 


o 


o 


o 


o 


0 


Fig.  9.— Tape  used  in  the  dotting  test  (after  Burt,  British  Journal 
of  Psychology,  vol.  iii,  1909,  p.  155) 

tests  of  sensory  discrimination,  motor  abifity,  memory 
and  association.  lie  also  secured  estimates  of  intelligence 
from  the  school-masters.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that 
the  dotting  test  showed  the  highest  correlation  with  all 
the  other  tests,  and  that  it  also  showed  the  highest  corre- 
lation with  estimated  intelligence.  In  the  preparatory 
school  the  correlation  between  the  dotting  test  and  esti- 
mated intelligence  was  as  high  as  eighty-four  per  cent. 
The  correlation  of  this  test  with  intelligence  appears  to 
decrease  with  practice  on  account  of  the  fact  that  the  test 
becomes  more  automatic,  and  consequently  makes  less 
demand  upon  the  attention. 

On  the  basis  of  his  results  with  the  dotting  test  and 

"0/).  cit.,  p.  154. 


ATTENTION 


189 


from  various  other  considerations,  Burt  concludes  that 
voluntary'   attention,   is  of   all   recognized   psycholo-iral 
functions,  the  essential   factor  in  general   intellip^ence.^" 
Other   experimenters   have   come   to    similar   decisions. 
Aljelson,  from  his  tests  on  backward  children,  deduced 
that  the  essential  nature  of   intellectual  deficiency  was 
probably  a  general   lowering  in  the  efficiency  of   per- 
formance because  of  the  need  of  attention."     And  Dr. 
and  Mrs.  Ordahl.  who  gave  a  large  number  of  tests  to 
feeble-minded  children  of  the  mental  ages  of  six,  eight, 
and  ten,  were  convinced  that  the  fundamental  difference 
l)etween  these  mental  ages  is  a  matter  of  attention.    They 
conclude  that :  "  In  all  experiments  attention  is  involved, 
and  it  is  probable  that  this  is  the  psychological  process 
in  which  the  levels  of  intelligence  differ.''  i** 

This  belief  in  the  intimate  connection  between  atten- 
tion and  intelligence,  held  by  recent  experimenters,  is  not 
a  new  one.  It  has  been  held  by  a  number  of  distinguished 
psychologists,  such  as  Wundt.  Sollier  and  Binet.^»  These 
authorities  do  not  all  view  the  process  of  attention  in  the 
same  way,  but  it  is  probable  that  they  are  all  driving  at 
much  the  same  fundamental  fact.  At  present  the  direct 
experimental  evidence  concerning  the  relation  of  attention 
to  intelligence  is  insufficient  to  justify  final  pronounce- 
ment. What  evidence  there  is,  however,  coupled  with 
general  observation,  goes  to  indicate  that  attention 
is  as  closely  related  to  intelligence  as  any  other  known 
mental  function. 


"  "  The  Measurement  of  Mental  Ability  of  Backward  Children." 


British  Journal  of  Psxclwlogy,  vol.  iv,  1911.  p.  311. 

""Qualitative  Differences  Between  Levels  of  Intclhgence  in 
Fc-ble-Minded  Chiluren."  Journal  of  Psycho-Asthcnics.  Monograph 
Supplements,  vol.  i,  No.  2.  1915.  PP-  43  and  49- 

"  See  precedinc:  chapter,  p.  149. 


4-, 


J. 

It ! 


CHAPTER  X 

COMPLEX  MExXTAL  PROCESSES 

The  terms  simple  and  complex  must  be  understood 
m  a  relative  sense.  Even  tl^e  simplest  phenomenon  appears 
complex  when  viewed  in  the  light  of  all  the  relationships 
mto  which  it  enters.  It  is  one  of  the  duties  of  science, 
however,  to  unravel  the  complexity  always  present  in 
reality,  and,  by  a  process  of  abstraction  which  ignores 
many  aspects  of  the  phenomenon  under  investigation,  to 
pick  out  those  fp:.  ures  which  appear  to  be  elementary. 

By  such  a  process  of  abstraction,  psychologists  have 
distinguished  certain  processes  as  elementary.  Sensations 
and  perceptions,  images  and  feelings  are  generally 
regarded  as  the  simplest  and  most  elementary  factors  of 
mind ;  and  the  laws  of  association  and  attention  are  the 
fundamental  principles  governing  the  part  played  by  these 
factors  in  mental  life.  The  relation  of  these  processes 
to  intelligence  has  already  been  discussed.  More  complex 
processes  remain  to  be  considered.  Among  the  more 
important  of  these  are  reasoning,  emotion  and  will,  and 
to  these  I  shall  mainly  confine  my  attention. 

Reasoning.— Reasoning  is  commonly  regarded  as 
man's  distinguishing  mental  characteristic.  In  spite  of 
its  preeminent  importance,  however,  its  study  by  experi- 
mental psycholo,gists  has  scarcely  more  than  begun.  To 
attempt  an  exact  definition  of  reasoning  would  be  beyond 
the  scope  of  the  present  treatise.  The  statement  that  it 
is  purposive  thinking,  mat  it  consists  in  arriving  at  a 
mental  solution  of  a  problem  through  a  more  or  less 
190 


:l| 


REASONING 


191 


f»  ' 


orderly  process  of  association  and  selection  of  ideas, 

must  suffice. 

The  solution  of  problems  is  much  the  same  thing  as 
successful  behavior,  and  it  is  consequently  not  altogether 
easy  to  distinguish  between  the  capacity  for  reason  and 
intelligence.  Problems  may  be,  and  often  are  solved, 
however,  without  the  aid  of  reasoning.  Animals  solve 
their  problems  largely  by  trial  and  error,  without  the  use 
of  reason.  Man  does  likewise.  Some  of  the  greatest 
problems  have  l^een  solved  by  what  is  called  intuition.  The 
solution  simply  appears.    One  has  an  inspiration. 

Reasoning  at  best  is  elusive  and  treacherous,  so  that  a 
man  who  relies  upon  it  may  actually  be  less  successful  than 
one  with  much  less  reasoning  ability,  who  acts  on  impulse. 
Indeed,  as  reasoning  becomes  elaborate  it  becomes  theoriz- 
ing. A  good  theory  is,  of  course,  an  excellent  thing,  but 
actions  based  on  theory  are  commonly  distinguished  from 
those  based  on  observation  and  experience,  and  the  latter 
are  supposed  to  be  successful. 

It  has  often  been  urged  that  human  beings  seldom  base 
their  conduct  on  their  reasoning.  They  act  instinctively 
in  accordance  with  their  beliefs,  prejudices  and  wants. 
They  use  their  reasoning  to  convince  others,  and,  if  neces- 
sary, themselves,  that  the  conditions  they  desire  are  right, 
and  that  their  actions  are  governed  by  wisdom.  A  man 
may  act  judiciously  but  not  be  able  to  give  good  reasons 
for  his  act,  whereas  another  may  act  foolishly  or  reck- 
lessly but  yet  give  excellent  arguments  in  justification  of 
his  course.  On  the  whole,  then,  reasoning  capacity  falls 
considerably  short  of  being  the  same  thing  as  intelligence. 
Problems  are  solved  by  means  of  mental  processes  other 
than  those  of  reason ;  the  value  of  the  solutions  which 
occur  to  one  does  not  depend  entirely  upon  whether  they 


M 


m* 


I  *. 

1  r  i 


192 


COMPLEX  MENTAL  PROCESSES 


have  b^eii  reached  by  a  process  of  reasoning;  and  even  if 
reason  is  appHed  to  test  the  correctness  of  a  solution,  its 
operation  is  uncertain  and  erratic;  and  the  utiHzation  of 
any  sokition,  whether  based  on  reason  or  not,  depends 
upon  mental  aptitudes  other  than  reasoning  capacity  itself. 
In  spite  of  all  this,  reason  is  one  of  the  most  valuable  of 
the  intellectual  processes.  Regarded  in  a  broad  way,  it 
is  dependent  upon  all  the  other  mental  processes. 

No  very  precise  tests  of  reasoning  ability  have  been 
devised.  On  the  other  hand,  there  are  a  great  many  tests 
in  whicli  success  depends  upon  reasoning  ability  to  a  very 
considerable  degree.  To  some  extent  the  teacher  tests 
reasoning  ability  every  time  she  requires  a  pupil  to  solve 
a  pi-oblem.  Perhaps  of  all  the  school  problems,  those  in 
arithmeti-;  are  the  best  for  determining  which  pupils  are 
the  best  reasoners.  Of  course  the  ability  to  reason  alx)ut 
arithmetical  problems  alone  could  not  be  taken  as  a  meas- 
ure of  anybody's  general  ability  to  reason.  One  may 
reason  well  in  arithmetic  but  poorly  concerning  human 
nature.  It  follows  that  a  thorough  diagnosis  of  reasoning 
ability  can  be  made  only  on  the  basis  of  test  problems 
chosen  from  many  widely  different  fields. 

Aside  from  test  problems  involving  more  or  less 
formal  and  complete  reasoning  processes,  in  all  their 
complexity,  there  are  numerous  simpler  tests  which  throw 
light  on  the  processes  which  go  to  make  up  reasoning. 
They  may  be  termed  tests  of  logical-mindedness.  They 
include  tests  of  analysis  and  synthesis,  the  recognition  of 
absurdities,  the  ability  to  define,  the  ability  to  interpret  a 
picture,^  or  a  stanza  of  poetry ,2  the  ability  to  form  general 

'Binetanrl   Simon.   "The   Intelligerce  of  the   Feeble-Minded." 
Iraiislaied  by  Kite,  1916,  \)\).  o8-(W. 

'  Bonser,  "  The  Reasoning  Abihty  of  Children."  loio.  n  R 


REASONING 


193 


principles/*  the  ability  to  distinguish  l>et\veen  good  and 
bad  reasons/  and  between  sound  and  false  conclusions 
drawn  from  stated  premises/ 

A  numlx^r  of  these  tests  of  logical-mindedness  appear 
in  the  Binet  measuring  scale  of  intelligence,  or  in  its 
various  revisions.    Tests  of  the  ability  to  give  defimtions 
occur  three  times  in  the  Binet  and  Simon  scale.     Binet 
points  out  there  are  three  kinds  of  response  to  the  request 
for  a  definition.    The  first  is  a  failure  to  give  a  definition. 
The  child  remains  silent  or  else  responds  with  some  ges- 
ture, such  as  pointing,  or  with  merely  a  repetition  of  the 
word  to  1)e  defined.    The  second  kind  of  response  is  defim- 
tion  by  use.     Capacity  for  such  definitions  is  fairly  well 
developed  at  the  mental  age  of  five.    At  this  age  the  child 
may  be  expected  to  define  by  use  at  least  four  of  the 
following  six  words:  fork,  tabic,  chair,  horse,  pencil  and 
doll.     The  third  stage  is  reached  at  the  age  of  eight  or 
nine,  when  definitions  in  terms  superior  to  use  are  given 
for  at  least  half  of  a  list  of  words  like  tne  following: 
balloon,  tiger,  football,  soldier,  automobile,  battle-ship, 
potato    store.     Terman  classifies  definitions  superior  to 
use  under  three  headings :  "  (a)   Definitions  which  describe 
the  object  or  tell  something  of  its  nature;  (b)  definitions 
which  give  the  substance  or  the  materials  or  parts  compos- 
ing if  and   (c)  those  which  tell  what  class  the  object 
l)elongs  to  or  what  relation  it  bears  to  other  classes  ot 
objects."  *^     The  ability  to  define  abstract  terms  is  tested 
by  one  of  the  eleven-year  tests,  in  which  the  child  is  asked, 
"  Can  you  tell  me  what  '  pity  '  means?    '  Bravery. ^^char- 
» Terman,  "  The  Measurement  of  Tntelligence,"  pp.  310-313- 

•Kuhfn^nt-'TiieVeasurement  of  Mental  Development."  Schoo' 
Publication,   Fariliault,  IJinn.,  IQ17,  PP-  82-«3- 
"Op.  cit..  p.  2JI. 

13 


1!:^ 


■4J 


\ 


194 


COMPLEX  MENTAL  PROCESSES 


ity,'  'revenge.'  'justice'?"  The  test  is  passed  if  three 
of  the  five  words  are  defined  satis  facto  rilyJ 

The  inability  of  children  below^  the  mental  age  of  eight 
to  define  in  terms  better  than  by  use  is  very  striking.  It 
is  no  doubt  closely  related  to  the  strong  tendency  of  all 
children  below  the  age  of  puberty  to  respond  by  a  verb  in 
the  free  association  test.*  The  commonest  child's 
response  to  the  word  tabic,  for  example,  is  cat,  instead 
of  the  word  diair — the  favorite  adult  response;  and  the 
commonest  child's  response  to  the  question,  "  What  is  a 
table?  "  is  that  the  object  is  "  to  eat  on." 

The  following  dialogue,  reported  by  Binet,*  is  a  good 
illustration  of  children's  definitions  by  use.  The  answers 
were  given  by  a  high  grade  imbecile,  twenty-six  years  old 
chronologically  and  seven  mentally. 

Q.  What  is  a  house? 

A.  A  house well a  house  it  is  to  rent. 

Q.  A  fork? 

A.  That  is  to  eat  with. 

Q.  A  mama? 

A.  She  is  to  get  things  ready  to  eat. 

Q.  A  table? 

A.  It  is  to  eat  on. 

Q.  .A  chair? 

A.  It  is  to  sit  on. 

Q.  A  horse? 

A.  It  is  to  work. 

Q.  A  snail   (edible  snail)? 

A.  It  is  to  eat. 

Q.  A  flea? 

A.  It  is  to  kill. 

Q.  Charity? 

A.  It  is  those  who  do  good  in  the  world. 

Q.  Justice? 

A.  It  is  those  who  do  evil. 

'  Kuhlmann,  op.  cit.,  p.  60. 

'  See  VVoodrow  and  Lowell,  "  Children's  Association  Frequency 
Tables."    Psychological  Monographs,  No.  97,   1916,  pp.  7&-9^- 
"Oh.  cit.  n.  101  = 


REASONING 


195 


Q.  Goodness? 

A.  Ah,  goodness,  it  is  to  get  angry. 

Q.  Virtue? 

A.  (After  thinking  a  long  while)  I  don't  know. 

The  capacity  for  analysis  and  synthesis  may  be  tested 
by  asking  the  child  to  point  out  the  way  in  which  things 
differ  and  in  which  they  are  alike.  Here  is  a  test  for 
seven-year  intelligence:  "  What  is  the  difference  between: 
(a)  A  fly  and  a  butterfly?  (b)  Wood  and  glass?  (c) 
A  stone  and  an  egg?  "  The  test  is  passed  if  the  child  indi- 
cates some  real  difference  in  two  out  of  three  trials.'*' 
At  a  mental  age  of  eight,  a  child  should  be  able  to  state 
in  two  cases  out  of  four  some  way  in  which  the  following 
are  alike :  (a)  Wood  and  coal,  (b)  An  apple  and  a  peach, 
(c)  Iron  and  silver.       (d)  A  ship  and  an  automobile." 

The  recognition  of  absurdities  is  given  as  a  ten-year 
test.  It  is  passed  if  the  child  points  out  the  nonsense  in 
three  of  the  following  four  statements.'^ 

(a)  "A  little  boy  said :  '  I  have  three  brothers — Paul, 
Ernest,  and  myself! '  " 

(b)  "A  bicycle  rider,  being  thrown  from  his  bicycle  in 
an  accident,  struck  his  head  against  a  stone  and  was 
instantly  killed.  They  took  him  to  the  hospital,  but  they 
do  not  think  that  he  will  get  well  again." 

(c)  "A  man  said:  '  I  know  a  road  from  my  house 
to  the  city,  which  is  down  hill  all  the  way  to  the  city,  and 
down  hill  all  the  way  back  home.'  " 

(d)  "  Yesterday  the  police  found  the  body  of  a 
young  girl  cut  into  eighteen  pieces.  They  believe  that  she 
killed  herself." 

Terman  praises  the  detection  of  absurdities  as  one  of 

'"  Kwhlmann,  op,  cii.,  p.  36. 
"  Kuhlmann,  op.  cit.,  p.  43. 


ig6 


COiMPLEX  iMENTAL  PROCESSES 


the  most  ingenious  and  serviceable  tests  of  the  entire  Binet 
scale.  "  It  is."  he  says.  "  little  influenced  by  schooling,  and 
it  comes  nearer  than  any  other  to  being  a  test  of  tliat 
species  of  niolhcr-wit  uhicli  we  call  common  sense."'" 

Thereareno  exact  data  concerning  the  relation  of  the 
reasoning  processes  to  intelligence.  The  existing  tests 
are  inadequate  and  lacking  in  precision,  and  the  investi- 
gations are  far  too  fragmentary.  We  have  still  to  learn 
the  main  types  of  defects;  the  main  factors  upon  which 
success  depends;  the  best  methods  of  training  and  the 
amount  of  improvement  which  they  can  effect.  Only  as 
our  knowledge  on  these  and  kindred  points  becomes  more 
specific,  will  there  be  much  of  interest  or  meaning  in  the 
assumption  tliat  capacity  for  reasoning  is  above  all  others 
the  distinguishing  mark  of  intelligence. 

Defectiveness  of  reasoning  ability  in  the  feeble-minded 
is  strikmg.  On  this  point,  Tredgold  takes  a  decided 
stand,  and  the  interesting  observations  of  this  eminent 
authority  are  worth  quoting  at  length. 

"  I  regard  the  chief  characteristic  of  amentia  as  a 
defect  of  this  capacity  [reasoning].  This  defect  reaches 
its  maximum  in  the  most  pronounced  degree  of  amentia, 
and  in  the  majority  of  idiots  the  ability  to  reason  is  com- 
pletely absent.  The  absolute  idiots  would  even  die  of 
starvation  in  the  midst  of  food,  if  they  were  not  fed. 
The  imbeciles  possess  some  capacity  for  reasoning, 
although  of  a  very  simple  order;  whilst  in  the  feeble- 
minded grade  [morons]  the  defect  is  still  less  evident. 
A  feeble-minded  child  who  is  ignorant  of  money  values, 
if  offered  the  choice  of  a  shilling  or  half-crown,  may 
choose  the  latter  'because  it  is  bigger.'  Some  defect, 
however,  is  present  in  every  grade  of  amentia;  and  if  I 


m 


m 
- 1 


INSTINCTS  AND  EMOTIONS 


197 


were  compelled  to  speciiy  which  particular  mental  ab- 
normality was  chiefly  responsible  for  the  maladjustment 
of  their  conduct,  I  should  certainly  say  it  was  the  one  we 
are  now  considering. 

"  I  know  many  feeble-minded  adults  who  are  regularly 
employed.  They  are  careful,  industrious,  and  thoroughly 
trustworthy,  but  the  work  they  are  capable  of  and  the 
money  they  can  earn  is  only  equivalent  to  that  of  a  boy 
or  girl  of  school  age,  and  this  for  the  reason  that  they 
have  not  sufificient  intelligence  to  cope  with  any  situation 
needing  judgment,  or  do  any  work  which  is  not  of  a 
strictly  routine  character.  Moreover,  they  find  it  impos- 
sible to  lay  out  the  money  they  earn  so  as  to  provide 
themselves  with  the  necessities  of  life,  and  in  the  absence 
of  some  supervision  and  kindly  control  they  would  rapidly 
come  to  hopeless  want."  ^* 

Instincts  and  Emotions. — All  of  the  mental  processes 
we  have  so  far  considered  are  usually  termed  intellectual. 
However,  it  is  everywhere  recognized  that  mere  intellect 
is  not  the  only  important  requisite  of  successful  living. 
Traits  of  temperament  and  character  are  equally  essential. 
These  are  very  largely  n^atters  of  will  and  emotion,  and 
of  the  interrelationship  of  these  two  functions.  Both 
have  an  instinctive  basis.  It  is  indeed  true  that  all  mental 
processes  have  an  instinctive  basis,  in  that  all  mental 
processes  serve  to  aid,  to  develop,  or  to  modify  the  instinc- 
tive or  inborn  equipment  for  adjustment  to  environment. 
The  fundamental  aims  of  life  are  furnished  by  our  instinc- 
tive wants  and  desires.  All  incentive  to  action,  if  traced 
back  far  enough,  will  be  found  to  take  root  in  instinctive 
tendencies.  Instincts  not  only  furnish  us  with  aims,  but 
in  a  rough  way  with  the  means  of  accomplishing  those 

r\icilltii    UchciCiiC^,      2(1   CO.,    1\)10,  pp.    iiO-li/. 


1  'n 


198 


COMPLEX  MENTAL  PROCESSES 


aims.  But  the  man  at  the  mercy  of  his  instincts  is  merely 
a  Ijeast.  His  aims  remain  unprecise  and  unformulated, 
and  his  methods  of  accomplishing  them  crude  and  ineffi- 
cient. I  am,  consequently,  not  inclined  to  regard  instincts 
as  identical  with  intelligence;  but  that  capacity  for  mental 
processes  which  I  do  regard  as  intelligence  is  prolmbly 
identical  with  the  capacity  for  that  modification  of 
instincts  which  results  in  their  l:)etter  adaptation  to  the 
varying  needs  and  problems  of  life.*''^ 

Conceding  that  all  human  activities  are  at  basis 
instinctive,  it  is  generally  recognized  that  the  relationship 
of  instincts  to  emotions  is  particularly  close.  All  those 
natural  and  unlearned  expressions  of  emotion  which  lend 
warmth  and  interest  to  human  life  are  little  other  than 
instinctive  responses.  And  the  relationship  of  instincts  to 
will  is  nearly  as  close  as  that  to  emotions.  I  shall,  conse- 
quently, at  this  point  consider  briefly  the  relation  between 
degree  of  intelligence  and  development  of  instincts.  So 
little  has  this  latter  subject  been  explored,  that  we  are 
compelled  to  rely  mainly  on  one  investigation,  that  by 
Wylie,  on  instincts  in  the  feeble-minded.^^ 

In  general,  feeble-minded  children  show  defective 
development  of  instincts.  Some  instincts  fail  to  appear, 
and  the  expression  of  those  w'hich  are  apparent  is  frag- 
mentary in  character,  lacking  in  fullr.ess  and  vigor.  It 
might  be  supposed  that  the  instincts  not  appearing  would 
tend  to  be  those  which  are  the  latest  to  appear  in  normal 

"  For  elaborate  discussions,  see  the  symposium  on  "  Instinct  and 
Intelligence,"  by  C.  S.  Myers,  C.  Lloyd  Morgan,  H.  Wi'don  Carr, 
G.  F.  Stout  and  William  McDougall,  British  Journal  of  Psychol- 
ogy, vol.  iii,  1910;  "The  Relation  of  Instinct  and  Intelligence,"  by 
H.  R.  Marshall,  British  Journal  of  Psychology,  vol,  v,  1912,  pp.  247- 
267;  and  "  Instinct  and  Intelligence,"  by  X.  C.  Macnamara,  1915. 

""Instincts  and  Fmotions  of  the  Feeble-Minded."  Journal  of 
/  \s_V  ( /ii'-.-/o(/i»/Uc  J,  vui.   V,  lyoi,  pp.  yo— iO/. 


INSTINCTS  AND  EMOTIONS 


199 


d 


k-f 
1 


children.    In  general,  Wylie' s  observations  tend  to  coniinn 
this  supposition,  although  there  are  certain  exccj-tions. 
Thus,  practically  all  of  the  feeble-minded,  including  idiots 
showed  the  instincts  of  sucking,  biting,  smiling,  and  hold- 
ing up  the  head,  carrying  to  the  mouth,  sitting  up,  standing 
and  walking,  and  laughing.    Half  of  the  idiots,  eighty  per 
cent,  of  the  iniljeciles,  and  all  of  the  morons,  displayed 
anger.    All  three  grades  play,  in  various  ways,  according 
to  intelligence.     Idiots  play  merely  by  "  running  around 
and  handling  things."    Sex  instincts,  very  often  in  a  per- 
verted form,  were  present  in  one-third  of  the  idiots,  in 
from  fifty  to  eighty  per  cent,  of  the  imbeciles,  and  in  all 
the  morons.    All  other  instincts  were  absent  in  the  idiots. 
These  include:  Fear,  present  in  one-half  of  the  imbeciles 
and  of  the  morons;  affection,  as  evidenced  by  the  desire 
"  to  fondle  and  to  be  fondled,"  present  in  three-fourths 
the  imbeciles  and  all  the  morons;  shame,  present  in  one- 
third  the  iniRciles,  and  all  the  morons ;  and  the  instincts 
of  imitation,  curiosity,  acquisitiveness  and  constructive- 
ness,  all  found  to  a  greater  extent  among  the  morons  than 
among  the  imbeciles.    Only  the  morons  manifested  grief, 
joy  and  blushing. 

In  spite  of  the  general  correspondence  between  the 
development  of  intelligence  and  of  instincts,  it  would 
appear  that  in  certain  instances  considerable  discrepancy 
exists  between  mental  age  and  what  may  be  termed 
instinctive  age.  For  example,  if  we  may  trust  Wyhe's 
observations,  a  child  may  belong  in  the  highest  grade  of 
the  feeble-minded,  thus  having  a  mental  age  of  eight  or 
over,  and  yet  show^  an  absence  of  the  fundamental  emotion 
of  fear,  which  in  normal  children  develops  during  the 
first  few  months;  and  a  child  may  have  a  mental  age  of 
inv.r  or  five  vears  and  be  lacking  in  both  fear  and  anger. 


200 


COMPLEX  MENTAL  PROCESSES 


On  the  other  hand,  the  sex  instincts  have  Ix^n  noted  in 
idiots  who  are  apparently  incapable  even  of  hunger.  It  is 
hard  to  c\j)lain  these  irrcc^ularities.  Perliaps  they  may  be 
understood  by  assuming  that  fear,  except  for  some  pri- 
mary manifestation  that  has  been  overlooked,  depends 
upon  a  certain  degree  of  intelligence,  some  ability  to  com- 
])rehend  danger,  and  that  the  sexual  instinct,  which  we 
commonly  think  of  as  developing  only  witli  the  age  of 
pul)erty.  as  a  matter  of  fact  makes  its  appearance  at  a  very 
early  age,  and  is  dependent  upon  pliysiological  develop- 
ment merely  for  certain  changes  in  the  form  and  effective- 
ness of  its  manifestations.  With  these  assumptions  it  may 
L-e  said  that  the  development  of  instincts  in  the  feeble- 
minded, is,  like  their  intelligence,  greatly  delayed ;  that 
on  the  whole  the  development  of  the  instincts  is  closely 
correlated  with  that  of  intelligence,  br.t  that  in  individual 
cases  marked  discrepancies  may  appear  l)et\veen  intelli- 
gence and  instinctive  equipment — l)etween  mental  age  and 
what  we  may  term  instinctive  age. 

In  spite  of  the  imperfect  development  of  his  instincts, 
the  feeble-minded  child  is  more  of  an  instinctive  animal 
than  his  normal  brother,  for  his  instincts  lack  the  control- 
ling influence  exerted  by  a  well-developed  intelligence. 
"Ilis  l;:o  in  many  cases  may  be  considered  as  purely 
instinctive.  It  is  on  account  of  these  instincts  that  he 
is  oftentimes  a  menace  to  himself  and  to  his  friends, 
and  it  is  by  reason  of  them  that  his  condition  is  earli- 
est recognized,  and  it  is  to  the  expression  and  repres- 
sion of  them  that  the  chief  part  of  his  education  must 
be  directed."  '" 

In  accordance  with  the  general  weakness  of  the 
instincts  in  feeble-minded  children,  we  fmd  as  the  most 


17TTT   1'^  .^     ^    ,  „i: 


WILL 


20I 


characteriftic  emotional   charactc-r   of   dull   and    feeble- 
minded children  an  abnormal  uidifference.     The  phleg- 
matic temperament  is  the  most  common.    This  apathetic 
disposition   is   particularly   characteristic   of    the   lower 
■grades.     On  ^hc  other  hand,  cases  of  exaggeration  of 
t-motions  are  not  uncommon.     An  excessive  excitability 
is  found  in  all  grades  of  mental  retardation,  but  is  more 
marked  among  the  higher  grades.     Contradictory  as  it 
may  seem,  the  same  child  may  display  txith  an  abnormal 
lack  and  an  abnormal  exaggeration  of  emotion.    lie  may 
be  lacking  in  the  finer  emotions  and  sentiments,  and  at  the 
same  time  sufifer  an  increase  in  the  grosser  ones.     This 
condition   is  indeed  quite   characteristic  of   persons   of 
depleted  nervous  energ>'.     They  evidence  little  capacity 
for  the  higher  and  more  cheerful  emotions,  an  inability 
to  be  joyous  and  enthusiastic,  and  yet  at  the  same  time 
are  very' irritable  and  arc  easily  aroused  to  such  emotions 
as  anger  and  gross  sexual  love.     Mentally  retarded  chil- 
dren usually  appear  fairly  contented  with  their  lot. 
as  often  remarked,  they  commonly  manifest  a  considera     . 
degree  of  child-like  affection. 

Will.— Emotions  and  instincts  are  closely  related  to 
will.  The  will  is  exerted  for  aims  that  are  at  bottom 
instinctive  or  emotional,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  this  is 
usually  not  recognized  by  the  individual  as  he  acts.  At 
the  same  time,  the  greatest  obstacles  to  will  are  instinctive 
tendencies  which  conflict  with  the  reasoned  plans  that 
should  be  carried  out.  The  conquest  of  disturbing  in- 
stincts, or  of  any  other  distractions,  depends  largely  upon 
the  power  of  attention,  as  the  latter  determines  largely  to 
what  extent  one  may  stick  to  one  plan  or  purpose  to  the 
exclusion  of  others.     By  will,  a  term  used  too  loosely 


)  §^ 


and 


^.)' 


I    mean    verv   l.arp"eW   effective   control 


202 


COMPLEX  MENTAL  PROCESSES 


exerted  by  attention  and  reason  over  natural  instinctive 
tendencies.  I  do  not  use  the  term  to  indicate  any  mental 
process  whatsoever,  but  merely  to  indicate  the  control  of 
conduct  by  the  mental  prcKcsses.  By  a  strong  will,  I 
mean  that  the  actual  liehavior  of  an  individual  accords 
with  the  Ijehavior  which  he  anticipates  and  regards  as 
desirable;  that  his  acts  are  consistent  with  his  conception 
of  what  is  wise  and  right;  that  resolutions  are  not  facilely 
broken;  and  that  unreasonable,  impulsive  or  automatic 
acts  are  properly  inhibited. 

Defects  of  will  may  be  said  to  be  of  two  sorts,  direct 
and  indirect.  A  direct  defect  is  weakness  of  will,  a  lack 
of  persistence,  an  incapacity  to  bring  about  any  action 
that  requires  much  effort.  An  indirect  defect  is  ^n  exag- 
gerated automatism.  The  two  kinds  of  defect  are  fre- 
quently associated. 

(i)  Persistence. — If  weakness  of  will  is  extreme,  the 
result  is  simply  stupor.  In  milder  cases,  actions  which 
require  any  great  amount  of  effort  or  endurance  are 
avoided.  There  is  a  feeling  of  fatigue  and  lassitude 
which  seems  to  prevent  the  individual  from  exerting 
himself.  In  addition,  there  is  often  a  certain  slowness  and 
unsteadiness  of  movement,  and  a  general  lack  of  enthusi- 
asm. The  accompanying  mood  varies  between  indiffer- 
ence and  discouragement. 

Several  tests  of  will  power  have  been  attempted,  but 
necessarily,  none  are  entirely  satisfactory.  They  are 
mainly  tests  of  the  ability  to  persist  in  an  action  in  spite 
of  fatigue.  One  such  test,  called  an  achievement  capacity 
test,  was  used  by  Fernald,  resident  physician  at  the  Massa- 
chusetts reformator}',  as  one  of  a  number  of  tests  designed 

ti-i  Hictincniicli  fVi<»  rr>cnnnciKl*»  fr.-im  fVi<»  irrrcnnncilili*  rrimi- 


PERSISTENCE 


303 


nal."  Discussing  the  mental  examination  of  reform 
school  boys,  he  says:  "  That  function  of  the  mind  called 
will,  persistency,  determination,  pluck  or  spunk,  plays 
too  large  a  part  in  the  successes  or  failures  of  these  sub- 
jects to  be  overlooked  in  an  investigation  of  efficiency. 
It  cannot  be  measured  directly,  apparently ;  but  it  may  be 
measured  in  terms  of  voluntar>'  endurance  of  discomfort." 

The  achievement  capacity  test  consists  in  a  measure- 
ment of  the  time  that  the  subject  can  stand  with  his  heels 
slightly  ofif  the  floor.  A  simple"  device,  consisting  of 
levers  attached  to  the  plate  on  which  the  subject  stands, 
enables  him  to  tell  by  observing  a  pointer  in  front  of  him 
just  how  nearly  his  heels  come  to  the  ground.  Fatigue 
is  rapidly  induced,  in  a  natural  and  harmless  manner, 
and  strength  of  will  is  measured  by  the  length  of  time 
that  the  subject  resists  this  fatigue  and  keeps  up  his  heels. 
The  chief  disturbing  factor  is  the  variation  between  dif- 
ferent subjects  in  mere  physical  strength.  Fernald  believes 
this  factor  is  unimportant  because  the  test  involves  those 
muscles  whose  strength  most  nearly  corresponds  with 
the  body  weight,  namely,  the  muscles  used  to  carry  and 
support  the  lx)dy.  Hence  the  person  with  stronger  muscles 
usually  has  a  greater  weight  to  support. 

In  practice,  says  Fernald.  the  theory  of  the  test  has 
been  found  valid.  "  No  subject  has  fallen  exhausted 
muscularly,  but  every  one  voluntarily  stepped  down  and 
walked  away,  showing  that  the  will  to  withstand  the 
fatigue  longer  had  yielded  before  the  muscles  lost  power." 
The  test  was  given  to  one  hundred  reform  school  boys, 
and  for  comparision,  to  students  of  the  same  age  in  a  near- 
by manual  training  school.  The  average  time  that  the  heels 

" "  The  Defective  Delinquent  ^  Qass,  Differentiating  Tests." 
yane'ruan  Juumai  uj  iHSamiy,  vOi.  ixviu,  l<jl2,  pp.  53*J~54i' 


i 


)•" 


.1. 


204 


COMPLEX  MENTAL  PROCESSES 


«     'fl 


PERSISTENCE 


205 


were  kept  raised  was  three  times  as  great  for  the  normai 
f^roup  as  for  the  reformatory  group,  being  fifty-two  sec- 
onds for  the  former  and  only  seventeen  for  the  latter. 
Whatever  the  shortcomings  in  the  test,  the  results  are 
certainly  interesting. 

An  older  and  better  known  test  of  the  ability  to  per- 
sist in  an  effort  in  spite  of  fatigue  is  the  ergograph  test. 
By  means  of  somewhat  elaborate  apparatus,  the  test  meas- 
ures the  ability  to  continue  to  raise  a  heavy  weight  once 
every  second  with  the  middle  finger.  The  other  fingers, 
as  well  as  the  whole  forearm,  are  firmly  clamped  in  a 
support.  The  weight  is  attached  to  the  finger  by  a  cord 
which  moves  over  a  pulley,  as  shown  in  the  accompany- 
ing diagram  (Fig.  10).  A  pointer,  attached  to  the 
cord,  scratches  on  the  smoked  paper  of  a  rotating  drum, 
thus  producing  a  record  of  the  movements  of  the  finger 
in  the  form  of  ergograph  curves,  some  of  which  are 
here  reproduced. 

I  have  found  the  study  of  these  ergograph  curves,  and 
of  the  children  making  them,  so  fascinating  that  I  have 
spent  many  days  in  obtaining  such  curves  from  children 
in  the  lower  grades  and  in  special  classes  for  the  mentally 
retarded.  Of  the  large  number  of  curves  obtained,  the 
few  here  reproduced  (Fig.  n)  have  been  selected 
as  typical.  It  should  be  stated  that  the  form  of  curve 
obtained  depends  upon  numerous  conditions — the  heavi- 
ness of  the  weight  to  be  lifted,  the  strength  of  the  muscles, 
the  length  of  time  since  the  preceding  trial,  and  so  forth. 
The  curves  here  presented  have  been  selected  with  great 
care,  so  that  they  should  be  strictly  compara1)le. 

The  mental  age  (M.A.)  and  chronological  age  (C.A.) 
of  each  child  is  recorded  opposite  his  ctirve,  so  that  few 
explanations  are  necessary.     The  thing  most  typical  of 


fi-' 


v'V 


No.    1. 
r.  A.,     0.5    yra. 
.v.  A.,     7.3      " 


Ko.  2. 
('.  .1.,  10  0    yrs. 
.1/.  A.,     7.0      " 


No.  .■?. 
r.   ,1.,      7.0     JT8. 
.)/.  A.,     7.0      " 


No.   4. 

r.  .1.,    !i..T    vTs. 

.V.  .1.,     U.3       " 


('.   A.,    ICkO     \T3. 
.«.  .1.^   10.5     ■" 


Fig.  II. — Children's  Ergograph  Curves. 


PERSISTENCE 


207 


children  of  low  mental  age,  normal  or  feeble-minded,  is 
that  they  give  up  after  a  few  fairly  vigorous  contractions. 
The  effort  required,  of  course,  increases  very  rapidly,  but 
adults  and  older  children,  with  stronger  will,  do  not  quit 
suddenly  as  soon  as  the  effo  "t  becomes  considerable ;  they 
go  on,  doing  the  best  they  can,  so  that  through  ?  con- 
siderable time  the  curve  made  by  the  top  of  the  record 
declines  but  gradually.  Children  of  the  mental  ages  of 
six  to  eight,  however,  give  as  a  typical  curve  one  which 
drops  off  with  extreme  suddenness  after  a  few  good  con- 
tractions. This  characteristic  cessation  of  effort  is  well 
show.-*,  in  curves  Xos.  1-3.  The  height  of  the  first 
contrr':tions  of  the  curves  depends  mainly  on  the  size  of 
the  r  igers  and  so  is  correlated  more  with  chronological 
and  physiological  age  than  with  mental  age.  It  is  the 
form  of  tlie  curve,  rather  than  its  heigh^  Vv'hich  is  signifi- 
cant; and  all  three  of  the  specified  cur\'es.  made  by  chil- 
dren of  mental  age  seven,  show  the  same  sudden  drop. 

That  this  characteristic  drop  in  the  curve  is  due  to  a 
cessation  of  effort,  and  not  to  muscular  exhaustion,  is 
proven  not  only  by  its  suddenness,  but  in  many  cases  by 
the  equally  sudden  reappearance  of  good  contractions. 
Curve  No.  i  represents  such  a  case.  After  the  finger  is 
apparently  so  exhausted  that  it  can  scarcely  move,  it 
suddenly  begins  to  contract  as  well  as  it  did  at  the  start. 
The  contractions  again  suddenly  cease  only  to  rise  once 
more.  Curves  showing  this  vacillation  of  will  are  not  at 
all  uncommon.  They  prove  that  the  child  is  merely  mak- 
ing spasmodic  efforts  and  is  incapable  of  persistence  to 
the  end.  He  runs  no  risk  of  exhausting  himself.  He  is 
like  most  morons.  They  cannot  be  fatigued  because  they 
will  not  work  lung  enough. 

Curve  No.  4  shows  an  intermediate  stage.    While  the 


208 


COMPLEX  MENTAL  PROCESSES 


little  girl  wiio  made  this  curve  had  the  same  chronological 
age  as  the  mentally  retarded  tey  who  made  the  typical 
curve  No.  i,  she  was  two  years  ahead  of  him  in  mental 
age.  Her  curve  shows  not  only  somewhat  greater  strength 
but  decidedly  more  perseverance.  Cur\e  Xo.  5  is  given 
mainly  to  show  contrast.  It  closely  resembles  the  nor- 
mal adult  curve.  The  rapidly  sloping  part  is  more  nearly 
convex,  instead  of  extremely  concave  as  in  the  case  of  the 
mental  sevens.  The  cessation  of  effort  is  more  gradual. 
It  was  made  by  a  moron  girl  ten  and  a  half  years  old 
mentally  and  sixteen  chronologically. 

(2)  Suggestibility  and  Impulse. — The  ergograph 
curA'es  furnish  a  good  demonstration  of  the  lack  of  sus- 
tained effort,  and  of  the  resulting  inactivity  and  feeble 
accomplishment  which  are  the  primary  symptoms  of  a 
weak  will.  These  symptoms,  however,  are  seldom  the  only 
ones.  As  the  exertion  of  control  weakens,  various 
mechanisms  begin  to  assert  themselves  on  their  own 
account,  and  we  have  appearing  a  large  variety  of  more 
or  less  abnormal  phenomena.  These  constitute  what  we 
may  call  the  indirect  symptoms,  symptoms  which  some 
psychologists  group  under  the  designation  of  automatisms, 
and  which,  for  the  most  part,  are  matters  of  increased  sug- 
gestibility or  exaggerated  impulsiveness. 

As  a  rule  the  feeble-minded  at  any  age,  like  young, 
normal  children,  are  credulous  and  readily  suggestible. 
This,  together  with  their  weakness  of  intellect,  makes  them 
the  easy  prey  of  vicious  and  evil  characters.  Various 
interesting  methods  have  been  devised  for  testing  sug- 
gestibility. One  of  these  is  a  line-copying  test.  The 
subject  is  shown  one  at  a  time  a  series  of  lines  printed 
on  cards.     The  first  three   form  a  series  of 

Ipncrtlic        TViP     rpmninflpr     nil     linvp    tlif 


regularly 


inrron  ^mnr 


SUGGESTIBILITY  AND  IMPULSE 


209 


length  as  the  third  hne.  The  subject  is  asked  merely 
to  reproduce  the  length  of  each  line  by  drawing  it  on  paper. 
The  marked  and  regular  increase  in  length  of  the  first 
three  lines  serves  as  a  suggestion  that  the  increase  will 
continue  throughout  the  series,  so  that  the  subject  n\ay 
continue  to  increase  the  length  of  his  copies  long  after 
the  increase  in  length  of  the  lines  presented  to  him  has 
stoppc^l.     The   results  sometimes  obtained   are  almost 


Fig.  12.— Showing  performance  in  suggestion  lest.    The  standard  lines, 
from  the  third  on,  remained  the  same  in  length. 

incredible.  Some  children  act  as  though  they  had  com- 
pletely forgotten  what  they  were  originally  told  to  do, 
and  lapse  into  a  state  of  mind  where  each  line  is  merely 
a  signal  to  draw  one  a  little  longer  than  the  previous  one. 
An  interesting  illustration  is  that  reproduced  in  figure 
No.  12,  showing  the  performance  of  a  highly  suggestible 
moron  girl. 

Binet  descril>es  a  number  of  other  interesting  and 
highly  amusing  tests  of  suggestibility,  adapted  to  early 
.„„.,4.1i  „„«o     r\^o  rsi  fiif»of»  ic  nciipnt  without  motive  to  an 

14 


S^l 


B 


210 


COMPLEX  MENTAL  PROCESSES 


obscure  affirmation  or  simply  to  the  exclamation,  "  Isn't 
that  so?"  The  child  of  seven  or  eight  may  promptly 
reply  in  the  affirmative,  as  though  assenting  to  the  state- 
ment of  an  important  fact.  At  later  ages,  toward  puberty, 
the  child  remains  unmoved,  or  betrays  astonishment  and 
asks,  "  What  do  you  mean?  "  Binet  also  gives  a  test  of 
a  much  bolder  sort : 

'^^X?M '^^'  ^*^  ^^^^  ^  ^^^^''  ^"tl  s''ow  it  to  the  imbecile. 

Q.  Wh.     IS  that? 

A.  A  chair. 

Q.  Serious  mistake!    It  is  not  a  chair,  it  is  a  cork-screw.     (.\ 

pause.)     Let  us  see,  what  is  this?    (and   we  present 

asam  the  chair). 
A.  A  cork-screw. 
Q.  Upon  v'hat  are  you  sitting? 
A.  Upon — i  cork-screw. 

"  This  test  succeeds  invariably  with  all  our  imbeciles, 
even  the  most  rebellious ;  and  one  can  believe  that  it  would 
require  a  very  low  mentality  to  thus  consent  to  change  the 
name  of  a  very  familiar  object.  It  is  evident  that  in  a 
company  of  friends  one  who  attempted  to  try  this  experi- 
ment would  have  very  little  success."  ^" 

It  should  of  course  not  be  inferred  that,  in  the  preced- 
ing experiment,  the  imbecile  was  led  to  perceive  the  chair 
as  a  cork-screw  or  to  believe  that  it  was  a  cork-screw. 
He  was  merely  led  to  act  as  though  he  did.  Consequently] 
this  test,  as  other  suggestion  tests,  merely  makes  trial 
of  docility.  Docility  of  this  sort,  however,  as  Binet 
insists,  is  a  form  of  suggestibility.  "There  are,"  he 
writer  "  two  forms  of  suggestibility  which  have  not' been 
siifficiently  differentiated:  the  suggestion  of  hallucina- 
tions, of  ideas,  of  concepts  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  sug- 
gestion  of  acts,  of  words,  mimicry  on  the  other.    Docilih- 

''■..-."w"^!  ,''"l.?'"'""v"'^*'*'  InteHigence  of  the  Feebie-MindedT" 

1  *  u..^iu^.wii     .._y      Kite,     1910,     (>.      IKAJ, 


SUGGESTIBILITY  AND  IMPULSE 


211 


it 


is  a  suggestibility  which  shows  itself  simply  in  acts, 
words,  attitudes.  ...  It  is  not  the  reason  of  the  agent 
which  bends,  it  is  his  will,  his  character.  One  may  have 
suggestibility  of  character  without  having  suggestibility 

of  reason."  "^^ 

An  exaggerated  automatism  may  show  itself  in  impul- 
siveness as  well  as  in  suggestibility.  Impulsiveness  may 
l)e  of  either  of  two  widely  different  types :  tlie  emotional, 
and  the  unemotional  or  mechanical.  In  the  emotional 
tj-pe,  the  individual  shows  signs  of  driving  power,  but 
the  power  is  not  under  control.  The  impulses  may  not 
be  particularly  strong,  but  they  sway  the  conduct  of  the 
individual  because  of  the  weakened  power  of  inhibition. 
In  the  mechanical  type,  we  see  simply  the  effects  of  the 
activity  of  an  unenergetic  nervous  system,  functioning 
according  to  whatever  habits  the  individual  has  happened 
to  acquire,  with  a  total  absence  of  attentive  reflection  or 
of  any  reasoned  purpose. 

Of  the  emotional  types  of  impulsiveness,  violent  dis- 
plays of  temper  are  among  the  most  common.  Quarrel- 
ling and  fighting  and  generally  disorderly  conduct,  some- 
times criminal  in  nature,  may  be  the  result.  In  other 
casus,  there  is  inability  to  inhibit  immoral  impulses.  It 
is  said  that  every  feeble-minded  girl  is  a  potential  prosti- 
tute. The  sexual  impulses  may  not  be  as  strong  as  in 
the  normal  individual,  but  on  account  of  the  weakened  will 
and  heightened  suggestibility  they  control  the  course  of 
conduct.  Again,  the  individual  may  be  a  victim  of 
peculiar  antisocial  impulses.  These  morbid  impulses  dis- 
play great  variety.  Some  are  exceedingly  serious ;  a  recur- 
rent tendency  to  steal,  for  instance,  to  set  things  on  fire. 


Op.  at.,  p.  119- 


ai2 


COMPLEX  MENTAL  PROCESSES 


to  destroy   property  or  to  mutilate  or  kill  animals  or 
human  l)ciiigs. 

In  the  unemotional  type  of  impulsivcnc^^s.  the  auto- 
matism consists  in  acts,  often  of  a  silly  nature,  repeatedly 
executed  in  a  purely  mechanical  fashion.  Children  may 
constantly  echo  the  movements  or  words  of  another.  Bit- 
ing the  nails,  drumming  on  the  desk  with  the  fingers,  or 
muttering  some  phrase  over  and  over  again,  are  exceed- 
ingly common  habits  in  all  grades  of  rJiildren.  Certain 
stereotyped  performances  may  be  persisted  in  day  after 
day,  and  year  after  year.  The  majority  of  imbeciles 
whom  I  have  observed  show  these  peculiar  habits.  One 
such,  whose  duty  it  was  to  shove  all  day  long  a  floor 
polisher  along  the  hall  in  front  of  a  room  which  I  occupied 
one  summer,  had  the  habit,  when  no  one  was  watching 
(so  far  as  he  knew)  of  taking  one  step  forward  and  then 
one  stq")  backward,  in  a  more  or  less  swinging  or  dancing 
style.  He  continued,  during  this  performance,  to  hold 
the  handle  of  his  floor  polisher,  but  in  such  a  way  that 
the  polisher  itself  remained  stationar}-.  I  can  testify 
that  these  movements  were  repeated  without  interruption 
for  over  an  hour,  and  T  suspect  that  as  a  regular  thing 
fully  one-half  of  this  imbecile's  working  day  was  devoted 
to  these  strange  exercises. 


CHAPTER   XI 

MENTAL  ORGANIZATION 

The    Problem    of    the    Interrelationship    of    Mental 
Traits.-Tlie  brightness  of  a  child  docs  not  depend  upon 
his  ability  in  any  one  respect.     A  child  is  by  no  means 
of  superior  intelligence  simply  l)ecause  he  can  draw  well, 
or  because  he  is  good  at  rolling  a  hoop  or  playmg  marbles|^ 
or  even  because  he  can  learn  his  multiplication  taUe  with 
exceptionally  little  study.     As  repeatedly  pomted  out, 
intelligence  is  the  capacity  for  success  in  periormances 
in  general.    It  includes  all  the  capacities  for  the  hundreds 
and  thousands  of  different  things  which  a  hmnan  being 
can  do     As  soon  as  this  is  admitted,  the  question  at  once 
arises  •  Are  all  these  hundreds  and  thousands  of  capacities 
separate  >    Do  tJiey  var>^  so  independently  of  each  other, 
that  the  degree  of  perfection  of  one  is  in  no  way  an 
index  to  the  degree  of  perfection  of  the  others 

I  know  of  no  writer  so  extreme  as  to  insist  that  there 
is  utter  lack  of  relationship  between  .he  different  per- 
formances of  which  a  human  being  is  capable,     it  is  true 
that  Thorndike,  one  of  the  world's  most  eminent  educa- 
tional psychologists,  has  been  accused  of  taking  this  stand 
Bniet  writes  that  according  to  Thorndike.  the  mmd  is  a 
vast  multitude  of  absolutely  unlike  faculties  existing  side 
by  side,  but  remaining  rigorously  independent       Binet  . 
citation,    however,    somewhat    exaggei  ates    Thorndike  s 
views      A  more  just  conception  of  his  ,  -sition  is  given 
by  the  following  quotation:  "  .\!mos^an>^^ 


_-.-j^-«f..  cut-  Ipc  *-nfnnts"   IQOQ.  p.  24^. 


213 


214 


MENTAL  ORGANIZATION 


tiling  in  the  mind  may  happen  in  partial  independence  of 
almost  any,  if  not  any,  odier  thing."  ^  However,  it  cai. 
hardly  l)e  denied  that  Thonidike  at  times  approaches 
something  very  near  an  atomistic  theory  of  mind,  a  theory, 
that  is,  that  mind  is  merely  a  collection  of  a  vast  number 
of  extremely  minute  functions,  each  of  which  is  complete 
in  itself,  although  united  to  others  by  more  or  less  mys- 
terious "  bonds."  As  atoms,  he  uses  a  miscellaneous 
assortment  of  feelings,  acts,  "  connections,"  "  capacities" 
and  "  abilities."  This  opinion  considers  mind  to  ]x  merely 
an  agglomeration  or  "  sum  total  "  of  "  an  individual's 
feelings  and  acts,  of  the  connections  l)etween  outside 
events  and  his  responses  thereto,  and  of  the  possibilities 
of  having  such  feelings,  acts,  and  connections."  ^  He 
holds  that  "  the  mind  is  a  host  of  highly  particularized  and 
independent  abilities ;  "  *  and  emphasizes  the  independence 
of  these  innumerable  mental  processes.  Even  so,  Thorn- 
dike  is  far  from  believing  that  there  is  no  relationship 
or  interdependence  between  the  innumerable  specific  men- 
tal acts.  Indeed,  all  authors  have  admitted  some  sort  of 
interrelationship  of  mental  processes,  some  degree  of  men- 
tal organization  or  unity  of  mind ;  and  it  is  the  problem 
of  the  present  chapter  to  discuss  the  nature  of  this 
organization. 

Three  Psychological  Theories  of  Mental  Organiza- 
tion.— The  problem  has  had  a  long  and  devious  history 
which  is  worth  briefly  reviewing.  Early  psychology- 
assumed  that  mental  processes  were  largely  manifestations 
of  the  activities  of  the  soul.  Starting  with  the  distinction 
made  by  Aristotle  between  the  "  rational  "  soul  and  the 
"  animal  "  soul,  philosophers  finally  arrived  at  the  classi- 

' "  Lducatii'iial  Psychology,"  UK>3,  p.  28. 
*  Ot'.  cit.  lOio,  II.  188. 
'  o't^.  cit..  190.^  p.  39. 


THEORIES  OF  MENTAL  ORGANIZATION     215 

cal  triple  distinction  of  the  three  faculties  of  knowing, 
feeling,  and  w.Uing.-"     Each  of  these  was  a  manner  01 
pcrfornung.  a  mode  of  activity,  possessed  by  the  soul. 
Whenever   one   experienced   an   emotion,   his   soul    wa. 
exerting  its  faculty  for  feeling,  and  whenever  one  per- 
ceived anything,  its   faculty   for  knowledge,   sometimes 
called  the  faculty  of  cognition  or  imellect.     Ot  course 
all  such  explanations  of  mental  processes  as  faculties  ot 
the  soul  were  unsound  and  futile.     Very  largely,  hovv- 
ever,  they  seem  to  have  been  intended  to  describe  the  mind, 
to  state  the  different  kinds  of  things  the  mind  does.    The 
three  great  faculties  of  knowing,  feeling  and  willing  were 
soon  suVxlivided  into  many  sulx>rdinate  ones,  until  finally 
the  number  (^f  subf acuities  was  quite  large. 

The  classical  doctrine  of  the  three  faculties  meant  sim- 
nlv  this:  First,  that  every  mental  act  could  be  classihed 
under  one  of  these  three  heading^intellect.  feeling,  and 
will ;  second,  that  all  the  acts  included  under  any  one 
of  these  headings  were  due  to  the  activity  of  a  single 
factor     Thus  every  act  of  perceiving  or  judging  was  to 
some  extent  due  to  the  functioning  of  one  faculty  or 
capacity     The  ancient  view  of  this  faculty  as  a  capacity 
of  the  soul  has  no  significance;  the  fundamental  thought 
is  little  modified  if  we  substitute  brain  for  soul;  because 
the  crucial  idea  is  merely  that  all  similar  mental  acts  derive 
their  characteristics  in  part,  though  not  entirely,  from  a 
single,  unitary  factor,  from  one  condition  or  set  of  con- 
ditions     Thus  stated,  the  faculty  psychology  contains 
a  germ  of  truth ;  that  is  why  it  has  been  "  so  easy  to  scotch. 

but  hard  to  kill."  ,  ,      r      u 

After  a  long  and  flourishing  existence,  the   faculty 

•See  Dessoir,  "  Geschichte  der  neuere  deutschen  Psychologic." 
.   .         _  _/-  .0- 

vui.  i,  pp.  »y^  joi. 


Ill 


3l6 


MENTAL  ORGANIZATION 


psychology  finally  icU  into  disrepute,  (.itrioiisly  enough, 
the  really  serious  arguments  against  it  are  of  two  quite 
opposite  sorts  and  Ixiili  arc  tenable.  On  the  one  hand, 
faculty  psychology-  is  said  to  l)c  at  fault  l)ecausc  it  divides 
the  mental  life  into  isolated  compartments  independent  of 
each  other,  whereas  in  reality  the  mental  life  is  unitary. 
Man  is  one,  not  three.  "  We  do  not  think  and  only  think 
in  one  moment,  and  will  in  another,  and  feel  in  yet 
another.  There  is  no  experience  which  is  now  intellective, 
nov/  volitional — and  at  another  moment,  affective.  The 
unitary-  experience  may  not  Ixi  broken  up  thus.  Any  por- 
tion of  concrete  experience,  select  it  by  what  rule  we  may, 
is  a  thinking — feeling — willing  experience."  *^ 

The  other  objection  to  the  faculty  theory,  made  by 
men,  who,  like  Thorndike,  emphasize  the  relative  inde- 
pendence of  each  specific  mental  act,  is  that  no  such  thing 
as  a  faculty  exists,  because  each  act  differs  from  all  the 
others,  even  when  it  may  be  classified  under  the  same 
heading.  It  is  pointed  out  that  a  person  may  have  a  good 
memory  for  faces  with  a  Imd  one  for  names ;  that  he  may 
listen  attentively  to  an  orchestral  symphony  '•.u!  .■ream 
through  a  lecture  on  mathematics;  that  he  may  reason 
well  in  one  line  of  business  and  poorly  in  another.  There 
is  no  faculty  of  memory  as  such,  these  authors  say,  1:>ecause 
one  thing  may  be  remembered  while  another  is  forgotten. 
"  There  is  n(-)  one  memory,"  writes  Thorndike,  "  to  hold 
in  a  uniformly  tight  or  loose  grip  all  the  experiences  of 
the  past.  There  are  only  the  particular  connections 
between  particular  mental  events  and  others,  sometimes 
resulting  in  great  surety  of  revival,  sometimes  in  little."  ' 


'Fletcher,  "Introduction  to  Philosophy,"  1913,  p.  209. 
'•■  h.ducational  i^sychoiogy,''  1910,  p.  188. 


THEORIES  OF  BRAIN  ACTION  217 

Here,  then,  ar-  three  distinct  psychological  theories. 
The  oldest  and' perhaps  the  most  inllucntial  is  the  doctrine 
of   faculties,  die  dt.ctrine  that  certain  mental  processes 
are  alike  in  Mnne  important  re-cct,  and  inlluenced   deter- 
tuined  in  character,  to  some  extent,  by  a  smgle  factor. 
\lso   there  is  the  doctrine  of  unity  of  mental  hte,  which 
may  be  carried  to  the  point  of  excluding  any  possibility 
..{  separate  faculties.     The  third  view,  extensively  advo- 
c-ited  at  present,  is  that  each  mental  process  is  s    emphati- 
cally unrelated  to  any  other  that  to  regard  any   large 
.rroup  of  mental  processes  as  l)eing  controlled  by  the  same 
factor  is  misleading.    This  doctrine  contends  for  mental 
disorganication,  and  according  to  it  the  degree  of  inter- 
relationship l>etween  mental  processes  of  the  same  class 
is  not  sufficient  to  justify  any  grouping  of  them  together 
as  dependent  upon  a  single  capacity.  _         ^    ,      r 

Corresponding  Theories  of  Brain  Action.— Each  of 
die  th  ^vchological  theories  of  mental  organization 

has  its  para        "heory  of   brain  action.     The  doctrine 
of  facnlties,  ii.        exaggerated  form,  found  its  counter- 
part in  the  theories  of  phrei  ologists.    The  phrenologists 
busied  themselves  with  finding  the  brain  "  seats"  of  the 
faculties  recognized   oy  the  psycholog-t",  just  as  two 
centuries  before  a  great  French  philosopher  had  found 
a  seat  for  the  soul,  in  a  little  protuberance  of  the  brain 
known  as  the  pineal  gland,  Ixtween  the  cerebral  hemis- 
pheres.   Gall,  the  famous  founder  of  phrenology,  did  not 
believe  in  the  possibility  of  locating  the  soul  itself,  but  he 
thought  he  could  discover  the  seat  of  its  various  faculties. 
Of  these  faculties  or  aptitudes  he  recognized  no  less  than 
twenty-seven.    He  held  that  each  one  was  dep  mdent  upon 
thr  .nrtivitv  of  a  particular  area  of  the  cortex,  and  fur- 


I   '■^■'- 


2l8 


MENTAL  ORGANIZATION 


ther,  that  the  development  of  each  area  of  tlie  cortex 
could  be  judged  from  the  external  shape  of  the  skull.'' 

PhrenologA-  has  never  met  with  scientific  sanction.  It 
very  soon  gave  way  to  a  theory  which  held  that  the  brain 
functioned  as  a  whole  in  the  case  of  each  specific  mental 
act,  and  asserted,  on  the  basis  of  numerous  experiments 
in  which  portions  of  the  brains  of  animals  were  removed, 
that  there  was  no  special  seat  for  each  of  the  mental 
functions.  One  part  of  the  brain  did  not  function  in 
smelling,  another  in  seeing,  and  yet  another  in  willing; 
but  the  same  parts,  in  fact,  all  parts,  could  in  succession 
do  all  of  these  things.  Removal  of  one  part  of  the  brain, 
it  Vv'as  claimed,  instead  of  bringing  about  the  loss  of  one 
particular  ability  or  faculty,  resulted  in  a  general  impaii- 
r..cnt  of  all  mental  functions.  This  doctrine  that  the 
whole  brain  was  a  single  unitary  organ  of  intelligence  may 
be  regarded  as  the  physiological  equivalent  of  the  psycho- 
logical theory  of  the  unity  of  mind. 

The  theory,  ho-vever,  that  all  parts  of  the  brain  had 
the  same  function  finally  gave  way  before  the  results 
of  remarkable  experiments  performed  during  tne  latter 
part  of  tlie  nineteenth  century.  These  experiments  called 
fortli  a  doctrine  of  the  sp-xialization  in  function  by 
different  parts  of  the  brain,  known  as  the  doctritie  of 
cortical  localization.  Localization  of  a  particular  mental 
process  in  any  part  of  the  brain  means  siirply  that  the 
part  in  ciuestion  must  l>e  active  whenevci  .hat  mental 
process  occurs.  It  does  not  mean  tliat  other  parts  of 
the  brain  never  cooperate  with  the  centre  in  which  a  given 

"  "  L'aiiatoiiiie  ci  la  physiologic  (!u  systcine  nervcux  ;  en  genera!  et 
du  cerveau  en  particulier,  avec  dos  observations  £ur  la  possibilite 
de  reconnaitre  jJusiers  dispositions  intcllectuelles  et  morales  de 
I'homme  et  des  animaux  par  la  configuration  de  leur  tete,"  4  vols., 

Pari?     iRlfi-I.RlR. 


THEORIES  OF  BRAIN  ACTION 


219 


funcfon  ,s  said  .0  be  localized.    T^-  to  -y  *at  vi^^^ 

ex  ly  ng  just  within  U,e  temple,  an.l  the  ".t^neotjs  an 

macular  sinses.  which  give  -"-'»'- '^''''^^.t  ^d 
„n,scles.  in  a  long  convolution  f '"'''"S  f  "|  *  ^^ 
,,f  the  brain.    It  has  Ijeen  found,  moreover  that  cer.am 
„<„s  situated  just  in  front  of  the  cort.ca  sea  of  cut  - 
;.^us  and  muscular  senses,  could  1«  st.mula.ed  by^^elec- 
™city,   so  that   particular   mttscles   contra  ted_Theso 
e-ions  have  U-en  named  the  "  motor  area.      They  a  e 
omposed  of  the  brain  cells  connected  through  nerves  .Uh 
ihe  muscles-  whei-as  the  sensory  areas— the  seats  ot  tne 
'  riousse'ses-are  made  up  of  the  b-in  cells  connec^ 
with  the  sense  organs  through  sensory  nerves.  The  sensory 
r *  Utveuerv^us  currents  from  the  s-se  org-s^*^^^ 
lie  motor  areas  send  nervous  currents  out  to  the  muscles. 
;    ratthe  sensory  and  motor  areas  do  not  t^cUtde  mor 
flnn  -ilwut  one-third  of  the  whole  cortex.    The  guieral 
t:.;^!n  of  the  renuining  two-thirds  is  the  co..d,nat,o, 
„f  incoming  currents  with  outgoing  ones.     Such  a  state 
;;!e,Tot  function  is  decidedly  vague,  ot  cottrse.  serving 
to  do  little  other  than  conceal  ignorarce. 

The  localization  of  sensory  and  luotor  areas  n,  the 
cortex  has  been  tmquestionably  established,  au  accom- 


220 


MENTAL  ORGANIZATION 


plishment  tliat  ranks  hii;h  in  modern  science.  Its  impli- 
cations, however,  have  frequently  been  exaggerated. 
Some  writers  have  taken  it  to  mean  that  each  different 
mental  process — a  sensation,  a  memory,  a  judgment,  or 
what  ncjt — involves  exclusively  a  narticular  set  of  nen'C 
cells.  This  misinterpretation  renders  the  theory  of  corti- 
cal localization  a  ctnmterpart  of  psychological  atomism. 

The  Evidence  from  Correlations. — A  brief  account  has 
now  been  given  of  three  widely  divergent  views  of  the 
mind's  mechanism.  The  first  considers  mind  to  Ix?  a 
combination  of  faculties,  or  manifestations  of  faculties; 
ihe  second  regards  it  as  a  homogeneous  unit,  or  the  mani- 
festation of  a  unitary  soul;  the  third  believes  it  to  be  a 
mosaic  of  innumerable  elementary  processes.  The  first  is 
the  multifocal  theory;  the  second,  the  unifocal;  and  the 
third,  the  non-focal.  Each  has  its  counterpart  in  a  theory 
of  brain  action. 

F(»r  the  purpose  of  judging  between  the  three,  psycho- 
logists have  carefully  examined  the  correlations  between 
different  mental  traits.  Because  each  theory  implies  dif- 
ferent relationships  l>etween  n.cntal  traits,  the  determina- 
tion of  these  relationships  should  esta])!ish  one  of  the 
three  as  correct.  The  rapid  multiplication  of  mental  tests 
during  recent  years  has  Ix'en  of  great  service  in  this  con- 
nccticMi.  These  tests  measure  innumerable  traits.  Just 
what  relatiiMiship  l^etween  the  measr.rements  of  the^e 
traits  is  implied  by  each  of  the  three  views  of  mental 
organization? 

According  to  the  multifocal  theory,  mental  tests  of 
the  same  general  function  or  faculty  should  correlate  more 
closely  than  tests  of  different  faculties.  Thus  several 
different  memory  tests  given  to  a  large  group  of  children 

clirmlfl     mrrp^nnnrl     innro    rLi'ipIv     witli     fnrli     ntbrr    tbnn 


EVIDENCE  FROM  CORRELATIONS 

.hould  a  memory  test  ^^'±  a  tesi    f  se.-ory  discrimination, 
reasonincf,  or  att-^ntion.  _ 

According  t,  he  second  theory,  the  un. local,  the  cor- 
relation  l>et4en  different  tests  is  due  entirely  to  some 
si,io-le  creneral  factor.  Extreme  versions  ot  this  theory 
remire^he  correlations  l^etween  all  mental  tests  to  be 

Xt.  Since  all  mental  traits  are  bnt  mamfesta  ion. 
ofthe  working  of  a  nnitary  mind,  according  to  the  umtocal 
lo"  if  onf  child's  mind  is  better  than  that  of  another 

in  any  specific  trait,  it  should  te  correspondmgly  better  m 

'"' AcconUng  to  the  third  theor>^  the  non-focal,  no  cor- 
relation at  all  should  appear  between  any  two  tests  -  xcep 
Z  so  far  as  thev  involve  identical  elements.    The  fact  that 
;rc  -Id  has  a  better  memor^^  for  spoken  numbers  than 
-another    would  not.  under  this  theor>-.  mdicate  tha    he 
ha^  also  a  better  memory  for  printed  numl>ers.     There 
should,  moreover,  be  no  greater  correlation  between  tw 
different  memory  tests  than  between  a  memory  test  and 
a  tt  of  attention,  because  in  all  cases  the  correlation 
hodd  be  practically  zero,  if    as  f  "^  ^^^^^^^^^^ 
states,  all  mental  traits  are  unrelated.    The  ^  Cerent  the 
oriea  of  the  mind's  constitution  thus  imply  different  de 
.rees    of    correspondence    or    correlation    between    th 
various  mental  traits;  consequently,  it  is  by  the  study  of 
correlations  that  they  must  be  compared^ 

The  correlations  first  obtained  seemed  to  support  the 
non-focal  theory.  They  were  so  low  in  most  cases  as  to 
suggest  little  or  no  correspondence  between  any  two 
nSal  abilities.  Thus.  Wissler,  who  published  the 
erl  of  the  tests  given  for  many  years  to  tl-  -shm^^^ 
of  Columbia  University,  came  to  the  condusion  that 
.1th.„P^  the  markings  of  students  in  college  classes  corre- 


333 


MENTAL  ORGANIZATION 


late  with  each  other  to  a  considerable  degree,  they  do  nnt 
bear  out  the  mental  tests,  nor  do  the  mental  tests  sh 
much  correlation  Avith  each  other." 

To  a  considerable  extent  the  correlations  found  at  first 
were  low  Ix^cause  of  inaccurate  measurements  and 
inadequate  statistical  methods.'*'  Even  from  the  first, 
however,  the  correlations  obtained  were  far  from  being 
as  ^ow  as  the  non-focal  theory  demanded.  With  improve- 
ment in  tests,  in  the  manner  of  giving  them  and  in  the 
statistical  methods  of  calculating  the  correlations,  it  has 
gradually  become  established  that  even  quite  dissimilar 
tests  may  show  a  very  decided  correlation.  With  a  large 
group  of  individuals,  some  degree  of  correspondence  ap- 
pears between  their  rankings  in  one  test  and  in  most  o^hcr 
tests.  Plainly,  mental  abilities  are  related.  At  the  same 
time,  no  two  tests  give  results  that  correspond  per- 
fectly ;  so  that  while  mental  abilities  are  related,  they  are 
partially  independent. 

This  state  of  affairs  evidently  cannot  be  satisfactorily 
explained  by  any  one  of  the  three  theories  of  mental 
organization  under  discussion.  Some  more  flexible  theory 
is  evidently  required,  which  will  take  into  account  the 
complexity  of  the  conditions  determining  any  particular 
mental  ability.  Such  a  tneory  has  recently  l)een  proposed 
by  Spearman,  and  is  now  widely  known  under  the  name 
of  the  two-factor  theory.  It  is  immensely  important,  and 
must  consequently  be  examined  in  detail.  Certain  modi- 
fications may  then  lie  suggested,  which  seem  necessary 
to  adapt  the  doctrine  to  all  the  facts  bearing  upon  it. 

•Wissler,  "The  Correlation  of  Mental  and  Physical  Tests." 
Psychological  Rnnew.  Monograph  Supplentents,  vol.  iii,  No.  6,  1901. 

"  See  Spearman.  " '  General  Intelliiyence  '  Objectively  Determined 
and  Measured."  American  Journal  of  Psychology, vo\.  xv,  pp.  222-22£. 


I 


I 

i 


i 


SPEARMAN'S  TWO-FACTOR  THEORY         223 

Spea  man's  Two-Factor  Theory.— Spearman's  theory 
amounts  to  a  combinaron  of  the  non-focal  and  umtocal 
theories,  conceding,  m  a  way.  the  truth  of  both.  On  the 
other  hand,  Spearman  f^nds  no  vahcHty  whatever  m  the 
multifocal  theory.  His  opinion  is  "  that  a  person  s  suc- 
cess in  any  intellectual  performance  may  be  regarded  as 
the  joint  product  of  two  factors." 

''  The  one  is  '  specific  ability  '  for  the  performance  m 
question,  with  all  its  particular  features.  The  second  is 
'general  ability.'"  "While  the  range  of  the  specific 
factor  is  exceedingly  narrow,  that  of  the  general  factor 
is  universal;  and  between  tliese  two  there  appears  to  be 

no  intermediate."  ^^  ,      .  •    ,.„f 

It  should  te  observed  that  Spearman  s  theory  is  not 
a  theory  of  the  functions  of  the  soul,  but  simply  a  state- 
ment  concerning   the   conditions   which   determine   the 
nature,  and  more  especially  the  efficiency,  ot  any  mental 
act      It  considers  tliat  these   conditions  mam  test   two 
de-rees  of  generality.    In  the  first  place,  there  are  certain 
conditions  that  have  to  do  with  the  efficiency  of  one  men- 
tal act  but  of  no  other.    These  are  specific  abilities.     In 
addition,    however,    there   is   a    general    factor,    which 
influences  the  efficiency  of  all  mental  acts.     This  is  gen- 
eral ability.     Neither  specific  ability  nor  general  ability 
are  mental  processes ;  they  are  conditions  of  mental  proc- 
esses that  is.  factors  detennining  the  efficiency  of  mental 
processes.     The  success  of  a  mental  act  never  depends 
upon  eitlier  specific  or  general  ability  alone,  but  always 

upon  both.  .     •  1    .1    X 

Spearman  applies  to  mental  phenomena  a  principle  that 

i.   indubitably  applicabl^Jto_pl^^ 

iTli;;:7i;;r^r;;^.  "  Mental  Tests  oTl^^i^^^i^  Journal  of 

.(!..... v.-.=  .T.'    P^.:.'h.n!n:!V.  YoL    iv=    IOI4.   DP.   219-221. 


224 


MENTAL  ORGANIZATION 


example,  let  us  consider  the  strcn;j:tli  of  Uic  thumb  and  of 
the  thigh.  Each  is  intluenccd  by  factors  that  cannot  affect 
Hie  other,  such  as  the  development  of  specific  muscles. 
The  muscles  of  the  thumb  may  be  impaired  witliout  in- 
jury to  those  of  the  thigh.  At  the  same  time  the  strength 
of  lx)th  is  intluenced  by  a  more  general  factor,  one  affect- 
ing the  strength  not  tjnly  of  these  two  ])arts  of  the  Ixxly 
but  of  all  regions — the  condition  of  the  blood.  A  man 
may  have  a  strong  thumb  and  at  the  same  time  '  le  weak  in 
the  legs,  but  his  strength  in  both  regions  must  suffer 
from  a  fever. 

It  is  immediately  apparent  that  all  events  and  their 
characteristics  are  caused  by  conditions  of  varying  extent 
and  influence.  The  price  of  jxjtatoes  is  affected  by  spe- 
cific factors,  which  have  no  effect  upon  prices  of  wheat 
or  Iieans ;  but  more  general  factors,  such  as  war,  join 
these  specific  factors  in  determining  the  price  of  potatoes 
and  other  commodities  as  well.  The  price  of  potatoes  is 
not  determined  solely  by  war,  the  general  factor,  nor  by 
the  success  with  which  potato  bugs  are  exterminated,  a 
specific  factor.  It  is  determined  by  a  union  of  these 
factors  and  oihers,  acting  simultaneously. 

Spearman's  theory  merely  insists  upon  the  existence 
of  botli  general  and  specific  factors;  it  does  not  explore 
the  exact  nature  of  these  factors.  Nevertheless  he  offers 
suggestions  in  detail,  in  order  to  clarify  his  theory.  Of 
specific  abilities  in  the  case  of  mental  performances,  he 
gives  the  following  illustration : 

"  Suppose,"  he  says,  "  that  a  schoolboy  has  surpasseil 
his  fellows  in  the  observation  of  birds'  nests.  His  victory 
has,  no  doubt,  depended  in  part  on  his  capacity  for  the 
general  form  of  mental  activity  known  as  '  observation.' 


„i. 


J i„,i 


t,„: 


,t-i. 


1..  ti,:. 


SPEARMAN'S  TWO-FACTOR  TUIiORY         «5 

form  of  activity  to  the  matter  of  birds'  nests;  had  the 
.mestion  been  ol  tarl.  in  the  l>astry  cook  s  wutdow     he 
laurels  might  .veil  have  (alien  to  another  boy.     A  fur- 
■her  inrtneTtce  n.nst  have  Uen  exercised  by  the  accontpatty- 
ngcircnntstances:  to  spy  on,  nests  as  they  he  concealed 
n  foliage  is  not  the  same  thing  as  to  make  obser^^at  ons 
oncerntng  them  in  the  open  light  of  a  natural  history 
museum.    Again,  to  discover  nests  at  le.sure  .s  different 
front  doing  ^o  under  the  severe  s,x..d  hm.ts  prescr^to, 
l,y  the  risk  of  an  interrupting  gamekeeper.     The  boy  s 
rank  may  even  depend  largely  on  the  matiner  of  est.matmg 
merit;  marks  may  te  given  either  for  the  gross  nntnte 
or  fo;  the  rarity  of  the  nests  observed ;  and  •-  to  -o 
infallibly  notes  the  obvious  construction  of  the  house 
spar  ow  may  not  be  the  best  at  detecting  the  elustve  hole 
of  the  kingfisher.     Every  one  of  these  features  of  the 
1  nation,  then-and  their  number  might  be  indefinitdy 
ex  ten  led-must  be  considered  as  capable  of  influencing  the 

,  cess  of  our  hypothetical  tay;  one  and  all  const,  u 
elements  of  the  '  specific  ability'  concerned.     Any  per 
ance  may  have  a  large  or  small  P™P°"'°"  .°«  -'^' 
eletnents  in  common  with  another  performance;  m  other 
^"ds.  the  specific  .bility  for  the  one  may  have  much 
or  little  overlapping  with  that  for  the  other. 

W-^en  specific  eletnems  so  overlap  that  two  perform- 
ances are  aLost  identical,  "  a  per^n'.  ;-cess  m  °"e  of 
them  must  give  probabihty  of  sj.«s^.*^^^^^^^^ 
and  the  two  pertorniances  must  become  ni^my  c 
w ith  c^te  another."    When,  however,  two  performance 
nre  so  different  that  there  is  little  or  no  overlapping  of 
;ec  fie   abilities^^h^correlati^^ 


*i 


15 


226 


MENTAL  ORGANIZATION 


entirely  to  the  general  factor,  a  factor  which  influences 
all  performances. 

Although  he  is  certain  that  a  general  mental  factor 
exists,  Spearman  is  doubtful  of  its  exact  nature.  He 
refers  to  it  as  a  common  fund  of  intellective  energ>',  and 
considers  it  closely  connected  with  the  capacity  for  vivid 
awareness  or  attention.  Whatever  the  nature  of  the 
general  factor,  it  contrasts  sharply  with  mechanical  habit. 
The  highest  correlations  with  intelligence  are  produced 
by  performances  requiring  the  most  attention. ^^  It  is 
true  that  in  the  case  of  morons,  the  most  mechanical  tests, 
such  as  mere  rate  of  tapping,  show  well-nigh  as  much, 
correlation  as  the  more  intellectual — as  the  interpretation 
of  pictures  for  instance.**  Spearman  explains  this  by 
the  fact  that  at  a  level  of  ability  as  low  as  that  of  mentally 
defective  children,  not  even  the  simplest  tasks  are  thor- 
oughly enoUf^h  mastered  to  become  mechanical. 

Having  observed  that  mental  ability  is  a  matter  of 
attention  rather  than  of  mere  mechanical  skill.  Spearman 
proceeds  to  point  out  that  one  of  the  most  reniarkable 
differences  between  an  attentive  activity  and  a  purely  me- 
chanical activity  is  that  the  latter  does  not  interfere  wnth 
simultaneous  activities.  More  than  one  non-mechanized 
activity,  on  the  contrar>',  cannot  be  carried  on  at  once  with 
success.  One's  first  efforts  to  ride  a  bicycle  require  atten- 
tion, and  consequently  they  occupy  the  mind  fully ;  in  time, 
however,  the  performance  becomes  practically  mechanical, 
so  that  the  rider  is  able  to  look  freely  about  him.  to  pon- 
der over  problems,  or  to  light  a  cigarette.  Now,  if  the 
attentive  activities  are  thus  distinguished  from  the 
mechanical  by  acute  competition  with  one  another,  plainly 

"  Burt.  British  Journal  of  Psychology,  1909,  p.  167. 
"Abelson,  British  Journal  of  fsychology.  19",  P-  joo. 


i 


SPEARMAN'S  TWO-FACTOR  THEORY        227 

they  are  competing  for  something;  if  the  perfection  of  a 
non-mechanized  activity  can  occnr  only  at  the  expense 
of  all  other  activities,  the  conclusion  is  unavoidable  that  all 
these  manifestations  of   energy   are  derived—to   some 
extent   at  least-from  a  general  fund.     Tluis  Spearman 
concludes  that  his  general  factor  may  very  well  be  the 
general  fund  of  brain  energy  possessed  by  the  mdividual. 
The  two-factor  theory,  although  primarily  psychologi- 
cal   has    like  other  theories  of  mental  organization,  its 
physiological  counterpart.    The  specific  elements  of  men- 
tality  may  be  identified  with  the  efficiency  of  particular 
cortical  regions  or  particular  chains  of  nerve  cells,  whereas 
the  general  factor  corresponds  to  the  efficiency  of  the 
entire  cortex.     Spearman,  with  the  great  majority  of 
contemporary  psychologists  and  physiologists,  believes  it 
to  be  well  established  that  "  each  momentary  focus  of 
cortical  activity  receives  continual  support  from  energy 
lil)erated  by  the  entire  cortex." 

The  matter  is  put  very  clearly  by  Pillsbury,  in  a  recent 
textbook :  "  When  we  speak  of  the  action  of  a  single  group 
of  cells,"  he  writes,  "  it  is  probable  that  the  group  is 
merely  the  centre  of  excitation  in  a  very  wide  region. 
The  excitation  that  arouses  that  group  spreads  to  very 
remote  parts  of  the  brain.     Action  is  always  of  large 
masses  of  nerve-c     ^,  but  of  the  mass,  certain  portions 
are  emphasized,  the  others  acting  in  very  much  slighter 
degree.     There  is  a  complicated  interplay  of  part  and 
part  throughout  a  very  large  portion  of  the  mass  of 
neurones,  although  only  a  relatively  few  are  in  great 
activity.     .     .     •     Each  contributes  its  share  to  the  total 
action,  although  one  alone  stands  out  prominently.'^  " 


jU-ssen 


Lia'o  wi.    ■*•  --J  *-•■ 


•~TiJ 


228 


MENTAL  ORGANIZATION 


I  was  similarly  convinced  concerning  the  functioning 
of  the  cortex  by  experiments  showing  the  speed  with  which 
a  person  can  move  his  fingers  in  response  to  the  cessation 
of  a  Hght  or  a  sound.  "  The  explanation  of  the  experi- 
mental data,"  it  was  stated,  "  seems  to  rcxiuire  us  to  regard 
the  central  nervous  system  as  not  merely  a  network  of 
paths,  but  also  as  the  seat  of  a  complex  system  of  inter- 
related activities  and  potential  energies  tvliich  is  disturbed 
throughout  by  any  change  in  any  part  of  the  system."  '** 
"  There  is  energ)',  the  intimate  nature  of  which  we  must 
admit  is  as  yet  unknown,  present  in  the  central  nervous 
system.  It  is  probable  that  this  energy  is  of  an  electrical 
nature,  and  that  it  involves  many,  if  not  all,  of  the  neur- 
ones of  the  central  nervous  system.  The  condition  within 
any  one  neurone  is  to  be  thought  of  as  interrelated  with 
tlie  condition  of  all  the  others,  so  that  there  is  always 
involved  an  immensely  complicated  and  widespread  system 
of  energies,  including,  perhaps,  both  potential  chemical 
energies  and  electrical  activities."  ^^ 

A  disturbance  occurring  at  any  one  point  in  the  cortical 
system  of  energies  brings  about  a  readjustment  of  the 
whole,  which  readjustment  may  release  energy-  on  the 
motor  side  and  produce  bodily  movement.  Every  mental 
operation,  then,  as  Spearman  points  out,  requires  two 
things:  "First,  a  specific  activity  of  a  particular  sys- 
tem of  neural  structures;  and,  secondly,  the  concurrence 
of  neural  energy  from  the  whole,  or  a  large  part,  of 
the  cortex."  ^* 

The  present  work  does  not  permit  discussion  of  all 

"Woodrow,  "Reactions  to  the  Cessation  of  Stimuli  and  Their 
Nervous  Mechanism."    Psychological  Review,  vol.  xxii,  1915,  p.  45i' 
"  Ot).  cit..  p.  446. 
"  Hart  and  Spearman,  op.  cit.,  p.  72. 


A  MULTIFACTOR  THEORY 


229 


the  proofs  presented  by  Spearman  in  support  of  his  theory. 
Certainly  they  are  impressive.  In  spite  cf  tiie  tact  that 
his  theor>-  is  still  on  trial/"  it  probably  comes  closer  to  tlie 
truth  than  any  theory  of  mental  organization  proposed 
to  date.  Its  particular  ment  is  its  emphasis  upon  the  ex- 
istence of  general  ability. 

Spearman  hesitates  to  identify  this  general  ability 
with  general  intelligence,  but  in  all  likelihood  his  theory 
will  eventually  narrow  to  a  theory  of  intelligence,  a  theory, 
that  is,  applying  only  to  performances  that  are  correlated 
with  intelligence.-' 

A    Multifactor  Theory.— Notwithstanding  its   great 
value,    Spearman's   two-factor  theory   is  undeniably   in 
IT     '   ot  one  fundamental  alteration,  as  well  as  minor 
modifications.     As  I  have  said,  it  combines  elements  of 
the  non- focal  and  unifocal  theories,  holding  the  conditions 
which  determine  the  efficiency  of  any  mental  act  to  be  al- 
ways one  of  two  degrees  of  generality— either  very  spe- 
cific or  very  general.    Now  it  is  probably  much  nearer  the 
truth  to  say  that  efficiency  is  determined  by  conditions  of 
all  degrees  of  generality  than  to  limit  these  conditions  to 
two  d^'egrees  of  generality.     At  any  rate,  the  evidence  at 
hand  clearly  shows  that  there  are  conditions  intermediate  in 
o-enerality  Wtween  the  very  specific  and  the  vcr>-  general. 
^^     Does  not  an  accurate  view  of  the  constitution  of  intel- 
ligence, then,  combine  all  three  theories  of  mental  organi- 
zation, the  unifocal,  the  multifocal  and  the  non-focal? 
Such  a  theory  regards  the  conditions  of  success  in  any 
act  of   intelligence  as  being  of   at  least  three   degrees 

»  See  McCall    "  Correlation  of  Some  Psychological  and  Educa- 
tional Measurements."    Teachers  College.  C'^^»^b^\\''^'-f:^'y'f^: 
rTbutions  to  Education,  No    7^^  1916    PP    56-59.  ^  Also  kn^       The 
lielationshit)  of  .M.ilities  in  Certain  Mental  Tests  toAb.hty.  as  t.ti 
mated  liy  Teachers.''    :ichoot  and  buculy,  Vui.  *,  lyi/,  p.  -J:/- 
"On  negative  correlations,  sec  Oiapter  VIII.  PP.  157-165. 


230 


MENTAL  ORGANIZATION 


of  generality,  namely,  very  general,  quasi-general  and 
very  specific. 

Just  what  the  intermediate  faculties  are  is  a  problem 
whose  experimental  solution  has  only  bej^un.  Recent 
work  indicates  the  existence  of  a  general  memory  ability.^" 
Although  not  certain  that  the  general  capacity  for  atten- 
tion is  different  from  Spearman's  general  factor,  I  l)elieve 
that  I  have  demonstrated  that  there  is  a  general  capacity 
for  attentions*  There  is  evidence  also  of  a  gcnieral  capac- 
ity for  imagination."-  Thomdike,  contradicting  his  earlier 
views,  now  refers  to  the  mental  "  levels  "  of  sensitivity, 
association  and  analysis.-^  By  "  levels  "  he  means  exactly 
what  others  mean  by  general  capacities  or  faculties, 
namely,  that  two  tests  of  the  same  function  or  level  will 
correlate  more  closely  than  two  tests  of  different  mental 
functions  or  levels. 

To  speak  of  a  general  memory  ability,  or  faculty  of 
memory,  does  not  mean  of  course  that  this  general  ability 
is  the  only  condition  of  successful  rememljering.  There 
are  in  addition  specific  conditions  which  vary  in  the  case 
of  each  different  thing  to  be  rememljered,  as  well  as  the 
general  intelligence  factor.  Thus  a  good  memory  for 
faces  may  accompany  a  bad  one  for  names.  Each  act 
of  memory  involves  certain  factors  which  partially  differ- 
entiate it  from  every  other.  Nevertheless,  different  mctn- 
ory  tests  correlate  with  each  other  more  than  tests  chosen 

"  Carey,  "  Factors  in  the  Mental  Processes  of  .School  Children," 
part  ii,  "  On  tne  Nature  of  the  Specific  Mental  Factors."  British 
Journal  of  Psychology,  vol.  viii,   1915,  p.  Ho. 

""The  Faculty  of  Attention."  Journal  of  Experimental  Psy- 
chology, vol.  1,  Ii>i6,  pp.  285-318. 

"Heymans    and    Brugmans,    "  Intelligenzprufungcn    mit    Studi- 

crenden."     Zeitschrift  fur  angewandte  Psychologie,  vol.   vii,    1913, 
DO.  .-?i7-'?.'?i. 

"■' iiducational  Psychology,'   revised  edition,  1910,  pp.   190-191. 


A  MULTIFACTOR  THEORY 


231 


at  random.  Conseciuetuly  it  is  correct  to  speak  of  a 
ners(Mi's  general  memory  ability.  His  men  .-y  may  m 
-eneral  l)e  good,  although  tor  some  things  it  is  much 
iKtter  than  for  t)thers. 

The  theory  at  which  we  linally  arrive,  then,  as  the 
only  one  suited  to  all  the  facts,  may  be  termed  a  multifcu:- 
tor  thcorx,  contending  that  the  factors  detcrmmmg  tlie 
nature  of  any  mental  event,  like  those  determining  any 
other  event,  belong  to  many  different  degrees  of  general- 
itv     The  cause  of  anvthing  is  the  sum  total  of  the  con- 
ditions producing  it ;  and  these  conditions  always  show 
an  indefinite  numl^r  of  degrees  of  generality.    T or  practi- 
cal purposes  of  the  psychology  of  intelligence,  the  factors 
determining  the  efficiency  of  any  particular  performance 
may  1^  classified,  no  doubt,  under  one  of  the  three  head- 
ings: specific,  general  and  quasi-general.     I< actors  of  at 
least  these  three  degrees  of  generality  always  cooperate. 
Our  multifactor  theory,  then,  at  once  combines  the  three 
old  theories— the  non-focal,  the  unifocal  and  the  multi- 
focal—and  endows  each  with  a  more  elastic  utility. 


CHAPTER  XII 

HEREDITY 

Definition  of  Heredity  and  Environment. — AH  cir- 
cumstances which  determine  what  a  human  being  is,  or 
what  he  shall  become,  may  be  grouped  under  two  head- 
ings: environment  and  heredity.  Every  child  originates 
in  the  union  of  two  germinal  cells,  the  ovum  o^  the 
female  and  the  spermatozoon  of  the  male;  consequently, 
all  that  he  ever  becomes  depends  upon  the  original  nature 
of  these  two  cells  or  else  upon  the  influences  which  act 
upon  them.  Any  trait  that  is  due  to  the  nature  of  the 
germinal  cells  is  the  result  of  heredity ;  while  any  trait  due 
to  influences  acting  upon  these  cells  as  they  develop  into  a 
man  or  woman  is  caused  by  environment. 

An  individual  need  not  resemble  either  of  his  parents 
widi  respect  to  a  given  trait  in  order  that  we  may  con- 
sider that  trait  inherited.  For  example,  a  child  may  owe 
the  color  of  his  blue  eyes  to  heredity,  and  have  brown- 
eyed  parents.  But  the  trait  in  question  must  be  due  to 
the  nature  of  the  germ  cells  contributed  by  the  parents. 
Similarly,  any  trait  which  is  lacking  because  of  the 
absence  of  something  in  the  germ  cells,  and  not  because 
of  any  defect  in  the  environment,  is  lacking  because 
of  heredity. 

It  is  true  that  the  presence  of  any  trait  is  never  entirely 
caused  by  either  heredity  or  environment,  but  always  by 
both.  Si  me  environment,  at  least  favorable  enough  to 
maintain  life,  must  always  exist.    The  necessity  of  a  suit- 


333 


llir  «irii^ianf  in   fVio  rocA  r\f  m*»rifol 


HEREDITY  AND  ENVIRONMENT 


233 


traits,  since  few,  if  any,  mental  traits  are  present  even  at 
that  relatively  advanced  stage  of  development  marked 
by  birth.  But  the  nervous  system  is  present  at  birth, 
and  the  nature  of  mental  traits  that  later  develop  depends 
upon  the  nature  and  development  of  the  nervous  system. 
The  nervous  system  in  turn  depends  upon  the  original 
germ  plasm  as  well  as  upon  the  action  of  environmental 
factors.  Thus,  indirectly,  mental  traits  may  be  due  to 
heredity,  and  it  is  quite  conceivable  that  they  are  de- 
termined by  heredity  to  the  same  extent  as  are  many 
physical  traits. 

In  view  of  the  intimate  relation  between  heredity  and 
environment,  it  seems  at  first  impossible  to  determine 
whether  the  cause  of  any  mental  ability  or  disability  lies  in 
heredity  or  in  environment.  It  has  been  established, 
however,  in  many  cases,  that  certain  mental  defects  could 
not  have  been  avoided  under  any  environmental  condi- 
tions, and  that  certain  mental  abilities  would  have  been 
manifest  in  any  ordinary  or  "  normal  "  environment. 

The  meaning  of  "  normal  environment  "  must  be  kept 
in  mind  throughout  a  discussion  of  the  inheritance  of 
mental  traits.  A  normal  environment  signifies  any  that 
will  allow  an  innate  tendency  to  develop.  For  example, 
a  child  may  he  formed  from  the  union  of  germ,  cells  of 
such  nature  that,  given  a  certain  environment,  he  will 
develop  a  high  degree  of  musical  ability.  Musical  ability 
here  means  talent  for  becoming  a  musician  under  proper 
training.  Obviously,  everyone  has  not  tliis  ability  to 
any  marked  degree.  Now,  it  niay  l)e  found  that  only 
those  children  whose  environment  displays  certain  charac- 
teristics have  this  potential  musical  skill.  On  the  contrar>', 
wc  may  find  that  environments  can  vary  enormously  with- 


.  IX ^^4'1*^^^     4-t-i/^     /^or\   i/^lf'^T 


\J  Ul      clllCwLill 


*f   nhWArt^n    rlwpllincr   in    thpm 


-34 


HEREDITY 


to  respond  to  a  musical  education.  In  that  case,  musical 
al)ility  would  be  hereditary.  At  the  same  time,  an  abnor- 
mal environment  would  clearly  hamper  the  development 
of  musical  ability.  Partial  starvation  in  early  life,  con- 
finement in  a  dungeon,  or  severe  injuries  to  the  brain 
would  prove  fatal  to  such  development.  Thus  an  ex- 
tremely abnormal  environment  could  prevent  the  develop- 
ment of  inusical  capacity,  in  spite  of  the  strongest  heredi- 
tary tendencies.  To  call  any  environment  normal  which  is 
not  extremely  abnormal  may  seem  too  vague  a  conception, 
but  it  is  necessarily  inclusive.  Hence,  to  term  a  capacity 
hereditary  means  that  its  development  will  depend  upon 
heredity   only  providing  environmental   conditions   are 

"  normal." 

Methods  of  Investigation. — The  part  played  by  hered- 
ity in  the  determination  of  an  individual's  mentality  has 
been  studied  by  two  widely  different  statistical  methods. 
One  of  these  makes  constant  use  of  coet^cients  of  corre- 
lation, and  may  be  termed  the  correlational  or  biomctrical 
method;  the  other  traces  family  histories,  and  may  be 
called  the  pedigree  method. 

The  correlational  method  utilizes  measurements  of  a 
certain  trait  for  two  members  of  the  same  family,  say 
the  father  and  the  son,  in  a  large  number  of  families. 
Two  lists  of  measurements  are  thus  secured,  one  for 
fathers,  and  one  for  sons,  the  measurement  for  each  son 
being  paired  with  that  of  his  father.  Then  the  coefficient 
of  correlation  between  these  tw^o  lists  is  determined,  and 
called  the  amount  of  correlation  between  father  and  sons 
with  respect  to  the  trait  measured.  This  coefficient  shows 
to  what  extent  the  standing  of  the  fathers  agrees  with  that 
of  their  sons.  In  a  similar  way  correlations  are  calculated 
ix'iweeii  Di'utncrs.  or  i>CL\Vv:cii   lULiicio  anu  uauj^;iLv,i-,  v,- 

grandparents  and  grandchildren. 


METHODS  OF  INVESTIGATION 


235 


The  correlational  method,  unhke  the  pedigree  method, 
does  not  trace  out  all  the  nicmbers  of  each  generation. 
The  correlational  method  gives  the  amount  of  resemblance 
existing  on  the  average  between  persons  related  to  each 
other  in  a  specified  manner;  for  example,  as  father  and 
son  or  as  brothers.  The  pedigree  method,  on  the  other 
hand,  records  what  proportion  of  the  offsprmg  are  like 
one  or  the  other  of  their  parents,  for  many  successive 
p-enerations.  The  correlational  method  may  show  that 
sons  lack  fifty  per  cent,  of  equalling  their  fathers  exactly 
in  height.  The  pedigree  method,  on  the  other  hand,  classi- 
fies fathers  as  tall,  medium  or  short,  and  then  gives 
the  percentage  of  sons  who  fall  in  the  same  class  as 

their  fathers.  . 

The   fundamental  assumption  of  the  correlational 
method  is  that  the  greater  the  influence  of  heredity  the 
greater  will  be  the  resemblance  between  relatives  of  any 
specified  degree  of  relationship.     It  is  noteworthy,  how- 
ever, that  even  where  he.  jdity  is  undoubtedly  the  cause 
of  a  trait,  the  resemblance  between  relatives  in  that  trait 
is  far  from  perfect.     In  a  trait  as  unquestionably  deter- 
mined by  heredity  as  color  of  the  eyes,  there  may  be  in 
many  particular  cases  no  resemblance  between  parent  and 
offspring.     Among  the  children  of  brown-eyed  parents 
may  he  some  '^ath  dark  eyes  and  some  with  blue ;  but  the 
blue-eyed  children  owe  the  color  of  their  eyes  to  heredity 
no  less  than  do  the  brown-eyed.  Children  do  not  originate 
from  the  eyes,  but  from  the  germ-cells  of  their  parents; 
and  the  color  of  children's  eyes  is  determined  not  by  the 
color  of  their  parents'  eyes  but  by  the  nature  of  their 
parents'  germ-cells.     Characteristics  of  a  parent's  body 
or  mind  are  no  sure  indication  of  the  characteristics  of 


&'-* 


236 


HEREDITY 


Besides  the  difference  between  the  germinal  and  the 
lx)dily  traits  of  a  parent,  numerous  considerations  prevent 
a  perfect  resemblance  between  parents  and  offsprinsj,  even 
in  purely  hereditary  traits.  If  the  two  parents  differ  in 
any  trait,  as  they  are  likely  to  do,  then,  in  spite  of  heredity, 
the  resemblance  of  the  children  to  one  or  both  of  the 
parents  must  be  imperfect.  Again,  some  traits  (or  their 
absence) ,  may  be  caused  either  by  heredity  or  environment. 
The  cases  in  which  a  trait  is  caused  l)y  environment  lowers 
the  correlation  of  all  cases  taken  together,  and  thus  brings 
it  alxjut  that  the  resulting  coefficient  of  correlation  conceals 
the  fact  that  in  many  cases  the  trait  is  purely  hereditary. 
For  these  and  other  reasons,  heredity,  when  influential, 
merely  causes  persons  of  the  saine  family  to  resemble  each 
other  more  than  persons  who  are  not  kin.  In  no  case 
can  it  be  expected  to  produce  anything  like  a  perfect 
resemblance,  either  between  child  and  parent  or  between 
children  of  the  same  parents. 

Results  of  the  Correlational  Method. — Because  corre- 
lations are  always  far  from  perfect,  the  results  of  the 
correlational  method  are  somewhat  inconclusive  and  diffi- 
cult of  interpretation.  The  best  way  to  arrive  at  an  idea 
of  the  significance  of  the  correlations  of  mental  traits  is 
to  compare  them  with  the  correlations  of  physical  traits. 
Many  physical  traits,  like  the  color  of  the  hair  and  of  the 
eyes,  and  the  shape  of  the  head,  are  certainly  not  affecteil 
to  any  great  degree  by  environmental  factors.  The  corre- 
lation between  father  and  son  in  such  physical  traits  is 
always  nearly  thirty  per  cent.,  and  tliat  lx;tween  children 
of  the  same  family  about  fifty  per  cent.  Now  if  mental 
traits  prove  to  have  the  same  correlation  between  parents 
and  offspring  as  these  physical  traits,  then  parents  and  off- 
>j)ririi'  niav  rx:  .iitui  10  snov*"  iiic  siiim.'  roLiniJiiiiicc  m  nicniui 
traits  as  they  do  in  purely  hereditary,  physical  traits. 


RESULTS  OF  CORRELATIONAL  METHOD    237 


As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  correlations  for  mental  traits  and 
for  physical  traits  are  substantially  the  same.  Practically 
all  the  numerous  investigations  conducted  lead  to  this 
conclusion,  a  conclusion  of  great  practical  impoitance, 
whatever  its  interpretation. 

One  particularly  interesting  investigation  is  that  by 
Karl  Pearson,^  who  obtained  teachers'  ratings  for  a  num- 
ber of  psychological  traits  in  the  case  of  one  thousand 
pairs  of  siblings.      {Siblings  are  children  of  the  same 
parents;  a  pair  of  siblings  consists  of  two  brothers,  two 
sisters  or  of  a  brother  and  a  sister.)    The  traits  included 
were :  Ability,  vivacity,  conscientiousness,  popularity,  tem- 
per, introspection  or  tendency  to  self-consciousness,  asser- 
tiveness  and  handwriting.    The  teachers'  ratings  )f  these 
traits,  made  >vithout  the  aid  of  any  special  tests,  and  on 
a  scale  distinguishing  only  a  few  different  degrees  of  the 
trait  rated,  do  not  constitute  very  accurate  measurements. 
Xevcrtheless,  the  ratings  by  three  teachers,  acting  without 
consultation  among  themselves,  showed  fair  agreement. 
P.y  means  of  these  ratings,  Pearson  secured  a  list  of  meas- 
urements for  each  trait,  and  for  each  measurement  of  one 
child  he  had  a  corresponding  measurement  of  another 
child  of  the  same  parents.     He  was  thus  able  to  calculate 
the  correlation  between  children  of  the  same  parents.    The 
correlation  was  least  in  vivacity,  greatest  in  ability  and 
handwriting,  but  varied  only  from  forty-three  to  fifty- 
six  per  cent.,  and  averaged  slightly  over  fifty  per  cent, 
which  is  practically  the  same  as  for  physical  traits. 

Another  interesting  investigation  was  made  by 
Schuster  and  Elderton,"  who.  to  obtain  data  bearing  on 
the  inheritance  of  mental  ability,  made  a  study  of  the 

' "  On  the  Inheritance  of  the  Mental  and  Moral  Characters  in 

Man"     /?«'(7wrfn/feo,  vol.  iii.  1904.  pp. J3I-I90-  ,    .        .         ,,_,.•„. 

""The  Inheritance  of  Ability."    LuyenuS  Laoorc^ory  .-.i^-.v-.Ti, 

1907. 


Ill 


238 


HEREDITY 


class  lists  of  Oxford  College  and  of  the  schools  of  Harrow 
and  Charterhouse.  They  noted  the  class  standings  of 
members  of  the  same  family,  and  then  figured  out  the 
correlations.  Expressing  the  resemblance  between 
fathers  and  sons,  a  correlation  coefficient  of  thirty  per 
cent,  was  obtained,  which  agrees  perfectly  with  the 
coefficients  obtained  in  the  case  of  physical  traits. 

Other  investigators  have  found  similar  correlations. 
Woods,  in  a  well-known  study,-''  rated  671  members  of 
European  royal  families  on  a  scale  of  ten,  basing  his 
ratings  upon  statements  of  historians  and  biographers. 
He  found  a  correlation  of  intellect  and  character  between 
fathers  and  offspring  amounting  to  thirty  per  cent. 
Earle  *  measured  the  spelling  ability  of  one  hundred  and 
eighty  pairs  of  siblings  in  one  of  the  schools  of  New  York 
City.  Using  carefully  prepared  tests,  and  grading 
each  child  by  his  deviation  from  the  average  for  his 
grade  and  sex,  he  found  a  correlation  of  fifty  per  cent, 
between  siblings. 

These  investigations  and  others  clearly  demonstrate 
that  mental  characteristics  or  capacities  run  in  families 
to  just  the  same  extent  as  do  the  color  of  the  eyes  or  hair, 
or  round-headedness  and  long-headedness.  These  physi- 
cal traits  are  unquestionably  determined  almost  entirely 
by  heredity.  Consequently,  mental  traits  run  in  families 
very  much  as  though  they  were  wholly  determined  by 
heredity.  Nevertheless  it  is  not  safe  to  conclude  that 
mental  traits  arc  determined  by  heredity  as  much  as 
physical  traits.     It  must  first  be  proved  that  the  family 

■"Mental  and  Moral  Heredity  in  Royalty."     1906. 

* "  The  Inheritance  of  the  Ability  to  Learn  to  Spell."  Columbia 
L onirtuuiiarti  iu  ifuiosofiiy,  I'sycnoiogy  ana  cauimnjTi,  vOi.  ::,  iyOji 
pp.  41-44. 


RESULTS  OF  CORRELATIONAL  METHOD    239 

resemblances  were  not  produced  by  early  home  environ- 
ment, especially  the  influence  of  fathers  and  mothers  dur- 
ing the  early  years  of  life.  The  task  of  unravelling  the 
effects  of  environment  from  those  of  heredity  has  been 
attempted  in  various  ways ;  but  it  is  a  complex  one,  and 
so  far  has  not  been  satisfactorily  mastered.  The  evidence 
gathered,  however,  lends  support  to  the  belief  that  hered- 
ity rather  than  environment  is  the  preponderating 
factor  in  the  causation  of  individual  differences  in 
mental  capacity. 

Certainly  many  of  the  factors  that  come  first  to  mind 
in  connection  with  environment  are  of  very  little  conse- 
quence in  determining  individual  differences.  These  are 
such  things  as  bad  housing,  low  wages,  uncleanliness, 
unsanitary  surroundings,  unhealthy  trade  of  the  father, 
drinking  and  immoral  behavior  of  parents,  crowded 
rooms,  condition  of  clothing,  and  so  on.  The  effect  of 
variations  in  such  factors,  which  are  everyday  experi- 
ences— variations  producible  by  political,  economic  or 
social  control — ^has  Ijeen  measured.  The  correlations 
found  between  any  one  of  these  environmental  factors 
and  the  mental  traits  of  children  is  always  very  low, 
usually  only  three  or  four  per  cent. ;  and  Karl  Pearson 
has  shown  that  when  the  correlations  for  each  of  these 
more  or  less  closely  related  environmental  factors  is  as 
low  as  this,  the  correlation  for  even  a  hundred  of  them 
taken  together  would  still  be  so  small  as  to  indicate 
that  their  combined  influence  does  not  approach  that 
of  heredity." 

* "  On  Certain  Errors  with  Regard  to  Multiple  Correlation  Occa- 
sionally Made  by  Those  Who  Have  Not  Adequately  Studied  This 
Subject."  Biom'etrikn.  vol.  x,  1914,  pp.  181-187.  See  also  Elderton, 
"  The  Relative  Str  'npfth  of  Nurture  and  Nature."  Eugenics  Labora- 
tory Lecture  Series,  vol.  iii,  1909,  p.  40. 


240 


HEREDITY 


Thomdike,"  like  Francis  Galton,"  attempted  to  solve 
the  problem  by  studying  twins.  lie  gave  several  mental 
tests  to  a  considerable  number  of  twins,  and  t\)und  mem- 
l^ers  of  twin  pairs  to  show  much  greater  resemblance 
than  do  ordinary  brothers  and  sisters.  He  points  out  that 
if  the  high  resemblance  of  twins  is  "  due  to  the  fact  tliat 
the  two  members  of  any  twin  pair  are  treated  alike  at 
home,  have  the  same  parental  models,  attend  the  same 
school  and  are  subject  in  general  to  closely  similar  environ- 
mental conditions,  then  twins  should,  up  to  the  age  of 
leaving  home,  grow  more  and  more  alike."  ^  On  the 
other  hand,  the  neart  the  resemblance  of  young  twins 
comes  to  equalling  that  of  older  ones,  the  more  must  the 
resemblances  be  attributable  to  inborn  nature.  Thorndike 
found  the  older  twins  to  show  no  closer  resemblance  than 
the  younger  twins,  and  hence  concluded  that  the  influence 
of  environment  was  slight.  It  should  be  pointed  out, 
however,  that  Thomdike's  data  do  not,  unfortunately, 
extend  to  twins  below  the  age  of  nine.  It  still  remains 
possible,  therefore,  that  the  great  resemblance  between 
twins  is  due  to  the  action  of  similar  home  environment, 
exerted  at  a  ver>'  early  and  impressionable  age. 

These  studies  of  Pearson  and  Thorndike  indicate  that 
the  only  very  important  environmental  factors  in  deter- 
mining individual  differences  are  of  two  sorts.  The  one 
is  the  direct  psychological  or  educational  influence  of  the 
parents  durinr  the  very  early  years  of  life;  the  other  is 
the  nutritional  and  physical  welfare  of  the  brain  during 
its  early  growth,  both  before  and  after  birth.  Among 
the  physical  factors  most  likely  to  interfere  with  nutrition 

•"Measurements  of  Twins."    Archives  of  Philosophy,  Psychol- 
oav  and  Scientific  Methods,  vol.  i,  No.  i,  IQ05- 

T  .1  T„r,,,;r;po  [nto  Human  Faculty,"  18^.^-  PP-  216-243. 
" "  Educational  Psychology,"  second  edition,  1910,  p.  90. 


PEDIGREES  OF  FEEBLE-MINDED 


241 


of  the  brain  are  injury-  and  disease  affecting  either  the 
child  or  its  mother.  It  is  known  that  these  factors  are 
powerful  enough  in  some  cases  to  produce  severe  feeble- 
mindedness. 

Pedigrees  of  the  Feeble-minded. — The  case  against 
environment  as  a  cause  of  individual  differences  in  chil- 
dren is  made  still  stronger  by  the  data  concerning  the 
causation  o  f  f  eeble-mindedness.  Here  the  pedigree  method 
has  been  the  main  reliance.  This  method  has  been 
employed  on  a  large  scale  by  certain  of  our  institutions 
for  feeble-minded  children.  These  institutions,  by  the 
aid  of  field  workers,  secure  as  complete  a  record  as  pos- 
sible of  the  ancestry  of  the  feeble-minded  children  whom 
they  receive.  The  field  workers  visit  the  homes  of  the 
children,  in  the  country  or  in  cities,  interview  the  parents 
and  relatives,  family  physicians,  neighbors,  judges  and 
other  informants.  They  note  carefully  the  mental  and 
physical  condition  of  the  parents,  sometimes  administer- 
ing mental  tests,  and  secure  facts  about  the  ancestry  of 
the  child  for  as  inany  generations  as  possible.  These  facts 
are  charted  in  the  form  of  family  trees.  Hundreds  of 
these  family  histories  have  now  been  collected. 

The  most  extensive  account  of  such  studies  so  far 
published  is  that  by  Goddard,  who  secured  fairly  adequate 
data  on  the  family  histories  of  three  hundred  feeble- 
minded children.  Upon  analyzing  the  records  he  came 
to  the  conclusion  that  nearly  eighty  per  cent,  of  these 
children  owed  their  feeble-mindedness  to  heredity.  The 
priority  in  causation  of  feeble-mindedness  which  Goddard 
ascril^es  to  heredity  is  in  agreement  \vnth  the  estimates 
of  the  overwhelming  majority  of  qualified  experts.^  Dr. 
Ashby,  for  example,  in  his  testimony  before  the  British 

'  See  Tredgold,  "  Mental  Deficiency,"  2d  ed.,  1916,  p.  22. 


Ill 

I 


242 


HEREDITY 


Royal  Commission  on  the  Feeble-minded,  stated  that  in 
at  least  seventy-five  per  cent,  of  the  children  he  had 
examined,  there  was  strong  probability  that  the  feeble- 
mindedness was  hereditary,  and  that  he  had  observed  no 
special  tendency  for  the  development  of  feeble-mindedness 
in  the  children  of  alcoholics,  or  of  women  who  suffer 
privation  during  the  period  of  gestation,  or  in  those  chil- 
dren who  live  in  unfavorable  conditions  subsequent 
to  birth. 

Most  of  the  feeble-minded  cases  attributed  by  Goddard 
to  heredity  had  family  histories  showing  a  large  number 
of  other  cases  of  feeble-mindedoe^  In  these  cases,  then, 
feeble-mindedness  is  inherited  fiom  feeble-mindedness: 
"  in  these  cases,  it  is  evident  from  the  charts  themselves 
that  we  are  dealing  with  a  condition  of  mind  or  brain 
which  is  transmitted  as  regularly  and  surely  as  color  of 
hair  or  eyes."  On  the  other  hand,  Goddard,  like  almost 
all  other  authorities,  attributes  a  certain  percentage  of 
feeble-mindedness  to  neuropathic  ancestry;  that  is,  he 
regards  it  as  hereditary,  but  as  inherited,  not  from  feeble- 
minded ancestors,  but  from  ancestors  who  suffered  from 
such  things  as  insanity,  paralysis,  apoplexy  and  epilepsy. 
It  may  be  in  these  cases  that  the  determining  inheritance 
is  merely  a  weakened  constitution  of  the  brain  which  de- 
velops into  feeble-mindedness  as  the  result  of  any  of  a 
long  list  of  untoward  circumstances  such  as  falls,  severe 
sickness,  brain  disease,  convulsions  or  injury  at  birth. 
or  disease  or  injury  of  the  mother  before  the  birth  of 
the  child.i" 

The  analysis  of  Goddard's  material  brings  out  further 
interesting  points.  One  is  the  result  of  matings  in  which 
both  parents  are  feeble-minded.     It  appears  that  in  this 

"  See  Tredgold.  op.  cit.,  pp.  25-26. 


PEDIGREES  OF  FEEBLE-MINDED  243 

case,  ill  ♦^^he  children,  with  rare  exceptions,  will  be  feeble- 
mind'  ..  Goddard's  histories  show  144  matings  where 
both  parents  were  feeble-minded.  From  these  144  mat- 
ings there  sprung  482  children  who  lived  beyond  infancy, 
and  of  whom  information  was  obtainable.  All  but  six  of 
these  482  were  feeble-ir  nded. 

To  Goddard's  cases  in  which  both  parents  were  feeble- 
minded, there  could  be  added  many  more  of  the  same  sort. 
I  have  met  with  several  of  them,  and  in  one  case,  besides 
visiting  the  entire  family,  obtained  the  intelligence  quo- 
tients of  seven  of  its  meml>ers.  The  father  of  this  family, 
when  he  works  at  all,  collects  ashes  and  garbage.  The 
mother  is  too  feeble-minded  to  manage  the  housework. 
The  whole  family  is  filthy  and  verminous.  They  live  in 
a  little,  tumbled-down  shack,  on  the  outskirts  of  a  small 
town.  Members  of  a  neighboring  Lutheran  church  occas- 
ionally spend  several  days  "  cleaning  house "  for  the 
family,  but  within  a  week  things  are  as  dirty  as  ever. 
There  are  eleven  children,  all  feeble-minded.  Three  are 
old  enough  to  work,  but  seldom  do.  The  foiuth  child, 
Clara,  aged  16  years  and  8  months,  quit  school  last  Sep- 
tember, in  the  fifth  grade.  The  remaining  seven  are  all 
younger  than  Clara,  and  still  in  school.  Their  intelligence 
quotients,  together  with  their  school  grades,  are  as  follows : 

I.Q. 

1st  grade :  Walter    69 

2d    grade  :  Jennie   74 

4th  grade :  Alma   70 

5th  grade :  May   6.i 

5th  grade :  Kate   /6 

6th  grade :  Maud   50 

6th  grade :  Hannah    66 

The  first  of  these  children  to  attract  my  attention  was 
Maud.  Maud  entered  school  at  the  age  of  five  years,  and 
spent  two  years  in  each  grade  except  the  first.    She  has 


-'^1 

.'i'l 


P 


! 


244 


HEREDITY 


been  promoted,  regardless  of  attainments,  in  accordance 
with  the  custom  of  promotiii},'  children  who  have  l)een  two 
years  in  a  grade.  She  will  never  be  promoted.  Ix^vond  the 
sixth  grade,  however,  for  as  soon  as  she  is  sixteen  years 
old,  she  will  I)e  asked  to  stay  at  home.  She  is  now  15 
years  and  3  months  chronologically,  and  7  years  and  6 
months  mentally. 

The  result  of  marriage  between  a  feeble-minded  per- 
son and  a  normal  one  is  more  problematic.  According 
to  Goddard,  we  must  distinguish  two  kinds  of  normals : 
First,  tliose  who,  normal  themselves,  have  a  feeble-minded 
parent  or  other  ancestor,  and  are  therefore  capable  of 
transmitting  feeble-mindedness ;  nr;rl.  second,  those  who 
are  not  only  normal  themselves  but  whose  ancestry  is 
entirely  free  from  feeble-mindedness.  Matings  of  feeble- 
minded persons  with  normals  of  the  first  sort,  Goddard 
finds,  cause  one-half  of  the  children  to  be  feeble-minded. 
Matings  of  feeble-minded  persons  with  normals  of  the 
second  sort  result  in  normal  oflFspring,  but  the  latter  are 
all  capable  of  transmitting  feeble-mindedness  to  their  chil- 
dren. Matings  between  such  persons,  normal  themselves, 
but  having  a  feeble-minded  parent,  result  in  tli.-  produc- 
tion, on  an  average,  of  three  normal  children  to  one  feeble- 
minded child. 

Figures  showing  definite  percentages  like  these,  i  f  cor- 
rect, prove  clearly  that  there  is  a  definite  law  o  f  heredity 
which  controls  the  transmission  of  feeble-mindedness. 
This  law,  which,  holds  true  of  a  vast  number  of  animal 
and  plant  traits,  as  well  as  of  a  number  of  human 
traits,  is  known  as  Mendel's  law.^*  Before  it  can  be 
said  to  apply  to  the  inlieritance  of  intelligence,  however, 
we  need  much  more  evidence  than  is  yet  at  hand. 

"  For  an  exposition  of  this  law,  see  Mcndelism,  by  R.  C.  Punnett. 


THE  KALLIKAK  FAMILY 


245 


The  Kallikak  Family. — Perhaps  of  all  the  family  pedi- 
grees so  far  published  none  so  strikingly  proves  the 
hereditary  nature  of  feeble-mindedness  as  that  which 
Goddard  has  published  under  the  title,  "  The  Kallikak 
i'ainily."  Our  discussion  of  the  heredity  of  feeble- 
mindedness would  l)e  very  incomplete  without  a  descrip- 
tion .)f  this  famous  set  of  pedigrees.  In  tracing  back 
die  ancestry  of  a  feeble-minded  child  called  Deborali, 
the  field  workers  arrived  at  the  child's  great-great-great- 
grand father,  called  Martin  Kallikak.  Martin  Kallikak, 
it  was  ascertained,  was  of  fair  intelligence,  but  when 
ill  teen,  owinj;  to  his  lather's  death,  was  left  without 
paternal  guidance. 

"  Just  l)ef<)re  attaining  his  majority,  the  young  man 
joined  one  of  the  numerous  military  companies  that  were 
formed  to  protect  the  countrv-  at  the  beginning  of  the 
revolution.  At  one  of  the  taverns  frequented  by  the 
militia,  he  met  a  feeble-minded  girl  by  whom  he  became 
the  father  of  a  feeble-minded  son."  ^^  This  feeble- 
minded son,  given  his  father's  name,  Martin  Kallikak, 
handed  the  name  of  Kallikak  down  to  posterity  with 
the  mentality  of  his  feeble-minded  mother. 

Martin,  Sr.,  however,  leaving  the  Revolutionary 
Army,  married  a  respectable  girl  of  good  family,  and 
through  that  union  there  originated  another  line  of 
descendants  of  radically  different  character.  Thus  there 
are  two  lines  of  descendants,  starting  with  Martin  Kalli- 
kak, Sr.,  one  of  which  arises  from  a  mating  with  a 
feeble-minded  woman,  the  other  from  lawful  marriage 
with  a  normal  woman. 

The  comparison  of  these  two  lines  of  descent,  traced 

" "  The  Kallikak  Family."  1912,  p.  18.  '  ' 


|i., 


II 


246 


HEREDITY 


through  six  generations,  is  extremely  instructive.  The 
accompanying  chart  (Fig.  13)  shows  the  first  generations. 
From  the  illegitimate  son  of  Martin  Kallikak  have 
come  480  direct  descendants.  Definite  data  have  been 
secured  concerning  187  of  these,  which  prove  conclusively 
that  143,  or  about  75  per  cent.,  are  feeble-minded.  It  is 
not  improteble  that  the  same  ratio  would  hold  for  the 
other  cases  concerning  which  definite  data  could  not  be 


N   =NO/fMAL 
F  =r££BLE-MINDED 
SX  =S£XUAUr /MMOML 
A    =  ALCOHOLIC 


NORMAL 


MARTIN  HU.mtK.Slt.     Ft£BLE  MINOCD 


©- 


500  DESCENDAHTS.  AU  NORMAL 


r^    (HOTMAfiRICD)  Q 


13      ®    ®    (n)   (n)    M® 

FKUeRrK  '  MIRIAM      SUSAN      RACHEL  EU2ABETH  JOSEPH      ABBIE       MARTIN.  JR 

'OBMORm' 

NEARLY  SOO  DESCENDANTS.  THREE-FOURTH  OFTHEM  FllBU-MmDC!> 


RHOOAZABETN 


lS~fir"5~5~"^~S"^~S~^^ 


MILLARD    NATHAN  JAMES  ^  aOSAL    JEMIMA 


OLDMOU  SYLVIA      AMY 


Fig.  13. — Descendants  of  Martin  Kallikak,  Sr.,  by  his  wife,  and  by 

a  feeble-minded  girl.     (Modified  from  Goddard,  "  The  Kallikak 

Family,"  p.  37.) 

secured.  In  addition  tc  feeble-mindedness,  there  was 
found  a  literal  admixture  of  illegitimacy,  gross  sexual 
immorality  and  drunkenness. 

On  the  other  hand,  from  the  union  of  Martin  Kallikak, 
Sr.,  and  his  lawful  wife,  have  come  496  direct  descendants, 
every  one  of  whom  is  normal.  "  In  this  family  and  its 
collateral  branches,  we  find  nothing  but  good  representa- 
tive citizenship.  There  are  doctors,  lawyers,  judges,  edu- 
cators, traders,  landholders,  in  short,  respectable  citizens, 
men  and  women  prominent  in  e,  .ry  phase  of  social  life. 


Ill 


INHERITANCE  OF  INTELLIGENCE 


247 


There  have  been  no  feeble-minded  among  them ;  no  ille- 
gitimate children,  no  immoral  women."  " 

The  Inheritance  of  Superior  Intelligence. — The  Kalli- 
kak  history,  one  of  the  most  extensive  and  convincing  yet 
published,  is  paralleled  by  many  others.  These  histories 
show  that  there  is  no  escape  from  the  conclusion  that 
feeble-mindedness  is  hereditary.  But  what  about  the 
other  degrees  of  intelligence?  The  answer  is  that  all  the 
facts  indicate  that  the  higher  degrees  of  intelligence 
follow  the  laws  of  heredity  to  just  the  same  extent 
as  do  the  lower  degrees.  Does  not  the  Kallikak  family 
itself  present  equal  proof  of  the  inheritance  of  "  normal- 
mindedness"  and  feeble-mindedness?  Of  course  in  this 
case  the  exact  degree  of  intelligence  to  be  understood 
by  "  normal  "  is  not  indicated.  But  there  are  other  stud- 
ies which  show  that  the  highest  degrees  of  intelligence, 
including  genius,  are  hereditary.  Indeed,  it  is  Francis 
Galton's  study  of  h  :editary  Genius  that  first  really 
opened  for  investigation  the  subj  t  of  mental  inheritance. 
And  the  record  of  feeble-mindedness  seen  in  the  degener- 
ate strain  of  the  Kallikak  family  is  no  more  remarkable 
than  that  of  eminent  ability  displayed  by  the  Edwards 
family.  It  is  refreshing  to  turn  from  the  inheritance 
of  feeble-mindedness  to  studies  of  the  inheritance  of  high 
ordered  intelligence. 

First,  we  may  cite  some  statistical  studies  of  Francis 
Galton  and  of  Woods.  Galton  chose  for  his  study  the  977 
most  eminent  men  out  of  a  population  of  nearly  4,000,000. 
Each  of  these  men,  therefore,  ranked  as  i  man  in  4000 
for  eminen^  intellectual  gifts.  These  977  eminent  men, 
it  was  found,  had  a  total  of  535  relatives  of  a  degree  c 
eminence  equal  to  their  own.     Galton  then  showed  that 

"  Ob    rit     n    tn 


m 


248 


HEREDITY 


977  average  men  have  a  total  of  only  4  eminent  relatives. 
Since  the  group  of  977  eminent  men  had  535  eminent  rela- 
tives, as  compared  with  4  for  a  group  of  the  same  number 
of  ordinary  men,  it  appears  that  an  eminent  man  has  on 
the  average  134  times  as  many  eminent  relatives  as  has 
the  average  man.  Galton  concluded  from  his  study  that 
eminence  does  not  depend  upon  training  or  opportunity 
but  upon  birth.  He  held  that  the  possession  of  high  social 
advantage  does  not  lead  to  eminence  unless  accompanied 
by  marked  innate  ability,  and  that  the  man  who  is  gifted 
with  innate  ability  of  a  high  order  will  l)e  able  to  risp 
through  all  the  obstacles  caused  by  inferior  social  rank. 

Galton's  statistical  findings  have  l)een  confirmed  by  the 
results  of  several  other  investigators.  Woods,  for  exam- 
ple, whose  study  of  heredity  in  European  royalty  has 
already  been  mentioned,  collected  data  concerning  the 
forty-six  Americans  who  have  statues  in  the  Hall  of  Fame. 
He  finds  that  these  celebrities  have  a  great  many  more 
eminent  relatives  than  has  the  average  person ;  that  they 
are,  as  he  says,  "  from  five  hundred  to  one  thousand  times 
as  much  related  to  distinguished  people  as  the  ordinary 
mortal  is."  ^* 

The  Edwards  Family, — It  remains  to  fill  in  these 
statistical  generalizations  with  a  bill  of  particulars.  This 
we  will  do  by  a  '.Hef  survey  of  the  Edwards  family,  one 
of  a  numl)er  of  distinguished  American  families  described 
by  Davenport.  We  cannot  do  better  than  to  quote  in  full 
his  description,  based  on  genealogical  manuscripts. 

"  From  two  English  parents,  sire  at  least  remotely 
descended    from    royalty,    v.-as    l>orn    in    Massachusetts 

"  "  Heredity  and  the  Ha!l  of  Fame."  Popular  Science  .\fontlily, 
igi3,    pp.    445-552.       See    also,    Loewenfcld,    "  Ueber    die    Geniale 


HI 

■'11 


THE  EDWARDS  FAMILY 


249 


Elizabeth  Tuttle.  She  developei:!  into  a  woman  of  great 
l)eauty,  of  tall  and  commanding  appearance,  striking  car- 
riage, *  of  strong  will,  extreme  intellectual  vigor,  of  men- 
tal grasp  akin  to  rapacity,  attracting  not  a  few  by  magnetic 
traits,  but  repelling '  when  she  evinced  an  extraordinary 
deficiency  of  the  moral  sense. 

"'On  November  19,  1667,  she  married  Richard 
Edwards,  of  Hartford.  Connecticut,  a  lawyer  of  high 
repute  and  great  erudition.  Like  his  wife  he  was  very 
tall,  and  as  they  both  walked  the  Hartford  streets,  their 
appearance  invited  the  eyes  and  the  admiration  of  all.' 
In  i6<pi,  Mr.  Edwards  was  divorced  from  his  wife  on  the 
ground  of  her  adultery  and  other  immoralities.  The  evil 
trait  was  in  the  blood,  for  one  of  her  sisters  murdered 
her  own  son.  and  a  brother  murdered  his  own  sister.  After 
his  divorce  Mr.  Edwards  remarried  and  had  five  sons  and 
a  daughter  by  Mary  Talcott,  a  mediocre  woman,  average 
in  talent  and  character  and  ordinary  in  appearance.  '  None 
of  Mary  Talcott's  prc^geny  rose  above  mediocrity  and 
their  descendants  gained  no  abiding  reputation.' 

"Of  Eli-/  Ijeth  Tuttle  and  Richard  Edwards  the  only 
son  was  Timothy  Edwards,  who  graduated  from  Harvard 
College  in  1691,  gaining  simultaneously  the  two  degrees 
of  bachelor  of  arts  and  master  of  arts — a  very  exceptional 
feat.  He  was  pastor  of  the  church  in  East  Windsor. 
Connecticut,  for  fifty-nine  }ear?.  Of  eleven  children 
the  only  son  was  Jonathan  Edwards,  one  of  the  world's 
great  intellects,  preeminent  as  a  divine  and  theologian, 
president  of  Princeton  College.  Of  the  descendants  of 
Jonathan  Edwards  mu-h  has  beeii  written ;  a  brief  cata- 
logue must  suffice:  Jonathan  Edwards,  Jr.,  president  of 
Union  College;  Timothy  Dwight.  president  of  Yale; 
Serene  Edwards  Dwicht,  oresident  of  Hamilton  College; 


m 


tdi 


•01 


250 


HEREDITY 


Theodore  Bwight  Woolsey,  for  twenty-five  years  presi- 
dent of  Yale  College;  Sarah,  wife  of  Tapping  Reeve, 
founder  of  Litchfield  Law  School,  herself  no  mean  law- 
yer; Daniel  Tyler,  a  general  of  the  Civil  War  and  founder 
of  the  iron  industries  of  north  Alabama ;  Timothy  Dwight, 
the  second,  president  of  Yale  University  from  1886  to 
1898;  Theodore  William  Dwight,  founder  and  for  thirty- 
three  years  warden  of  Columbia  Law  School ;  '  Henrietta 
Fj-ances,  wife  of  Eli  Whitney,  inventor  of  the  cotton  gin, 
who,  burning  the  midnight  oil  by  the  side  of  her  ingenious 
husband,  helped  him  to  his  enduring  fame;  Merrill 
Edv/ards  Gates,  president  of  Amherst  College;  Catherine 
Maria  Sedgwick,  of  graceful  pen;  Charles  Sedg^vick 
Minot,  authority  on  biology  and  embryology  in  the  Har- 
vard Medical  School,  and  Winston  Churchill,  the  author 
of  Coniston.'  These  constitute  a  glorious  galaxy  of 
America's  great  educators,  students  and  moral  leaders 
of  the  Republic. 

"  Two  other  of  the  descendants  oi  Elizabeth  Tuttle 
through  her  son  Timothy  have  been  purposely  omitted 
from  the  foregoing  catalogue,  since  they  belong  in  a  class 
by  themselves,  because  they  inherited  also  the  defects  of 
Elizabeth's  character.  These  two  were  Pierrepont 
Edwards,  who  is  said  to  have  been  a  tall,  brilliant,  acute 
jurist,  eccentric  and  licentious;  and  Aaron  Burr,  Vice- 
President  of  the  United  States,  in  whon:  flowered  the  good 
and  the  evil  of  Elizabeth  Tuttle's  blood.  Here  the  lack  of 
control  of  the  sex-impulse  in  the  germ  plasm  of  this 
wonderful  woman  has  reappeared  with  imagination  and 
other  talents  in  certain  of  her  descendants. 

"  The  remarkable  qualities  of  Elizabeth  Tuttle  were 
in  the  germ  plasm  of  her  four  daughters  also:  Abigail 
Stoughton,    Elizabeth    Owning.    Ann    Richardson,    and 


CONCLUSION 


251 


Mabel  Bigelow.  All  of  these  have  had  distinguished 
descendants,  of  whom  only  a  few  can  be  mentioned  here. 
Robert  Treat  Paine,  signer  of  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence, descended  from  Abigail;  the  Fairbanks 
Brothers,  manufacturers  of  scales  and  hardware  at  St. 
Johnsbury,  Vt.,  and  the  Marchioness  of  Donegal  were 
descended  from  Elizateth  Deming;  from  Mallei  Bigelow 
came  Morrison  R.  Waite,  Chief  Justice  of  the  United 
States,  and  the  law  author,  Melville  M.  Bigelow;  from 
Ann  Richardson  proceeded  Marvin  Richardson  Vincent, 
professor  o*  Sacred  Literature  at  Columbia  University, 
the  Marchi  ess  of  Apesteguia  of  Cuba,  and  Ulysses  S. 
Grant  and  Grover  Cleveland,  presidents  of  the  United 
States.  Thus  two  presidents,  the  wife  of  a  third  and  a 
vice-president  trace  back  their  origin  to  the  germ  plasm 
from  which  ''in  part)  Elizalxth  Tuttle  was  also  derived, 
but  of  which,  it  must  never  he  forgotten,  she  was  not  the 
author.  Nevertheless,  had  Elizal^eth  Tuttle  not  been,  this 
nation  would  not  occupy  the  position  in  culture  and  learn- 
ing that  it  now  does." 

Conclusion. — It  is  clear,  from  whatever  angle  the 
subject  is  studied,  that  heredityisan  enormously  important 
factor  in  uetermining  a  person's  mental  characteristics. 
It  is  not  altogether  a  simple  matter,  however,  to  decide 
upon  the  exact  interpretation  to  give  all  the  interesting 
facts  that  have  been  gathered.  Perliaps  the  main  point 
established  is  simply  the  fact  of  innate  capacities.  Since 
innate  capacities  are  determined  by  the  action  of  heredity, 
difference  between  children  in  innate  capacities  must 
always  be  due  to  heredity. 

But  certainly  one  other  point  is  established:  that 
environments  may  be  very  diverse  and  still  be  equally 
suited  to  the  m-anifestation  of  such  inn.ate  capacities,  or 


m 


.Til 


252 


HEREDITY 


the  lack  of  them,  as  may  exist.  The  environments  of  most 
children,  especially  those  in  the  same  community,  in  spite 
of  great  apparent  diversity,  are  after  all  sufficiently  alike, 
so  that  differences  in  ability  are  almost  entirely  accounted 
for  by  differences  in  innate  capacity,  and  not  by  differences 
in  environment.  When  the  environments  of  children  are 
at  all  similar,  we  find  that  such  differences  in  environ- 
ment as  may  exist  do  not  correlate  with  the  degree  of 
success  of  the  children's  performances.  The  degree  of 
success  must  consequently  depend  upon  the  innate  poten- 
tialities of  the  children. 

Even  though  the  capacities  of  an  individual  are  not 
determined  entirely  by  heredity,  they  might  just  as  well 
be,  so  far  as  the  public  schools  are  concerned:  for  tlie 
only  environmental  factors  of  importance  in  the  deter- 
mination of  original  capacities  are  those  which  act  at  a 
very  early  age — often  at  or  before  birth,  or  during  the 
first  few  months  of  life.  Certainly,  both  specific  capacity, 
as  the  ability  to  learn  to  write  the  opposites  of  words 
or  the  ability  to  become  a  musician,  and  general  capacity 
as  shown  by  the  intelligence  quotient,  are  determined 
before  the  child  enters  the  public  school.  The  rate  at 
which  children's  capacities  grow  is  still  subject  to 
some  variation  after  the  school  age  is  reached ;  but 
probably  if  proper  allowance  were  made  for  these  varying 
rates  of  growth,  there  would  be  found  practically  no 
change  in  any  child's  ranking  as  regards  any  of  his 
original  capacities. 

In  all  this,  it  should  be  rememljered  always  that  we 
are  referring  to  capacities,  and  capacities  are  merely  poten- 
tialities. Whether  these  potentialities  are  ever  realized 
certainly  depends  upon  environment.     An  environment 

iliyiiiy  IctVOFaDic  lO  tile  rud-uilc^raLiuil  \j\  a.  certaiil  CdpaCity 


CONCLUSION 


353 


will  not  result  in  such  manifestation  unless  the  capacity  is 
there.  The  most  favorable  environment  in  the  world 
cannot  bring  about  the  manifestations  of  normal  intelli- 
gence in  a  case  of  hereditary  feeble-mindedness.  On  the 
other  hand,  an  unfavorable  environment,  though  it  cannot 
easily  suppress  an  existing  capacity  nor  its  growth  with 
age,  can  yet  suppress  the  manifestation  of  that  capacity. 
In  the  words  of  Cattell,  "  the  environment  imposes  a  veto 
on  any  performance  not  congenial  to  it."  "  Capacities 
are  innate,  but  it  is  environment  and  education  which 
determines  the  use,  if  any,  made  of  them,  and  the  line  of 
accomplishment  to  which  they  are  directed. 

""The  Development  of  American  Men  of  Science."     Science, 
Dec.  7,  1906. 


#1 


CHAPTER  XIII 
THE  ORGANIZATION  OF  EDUCATION 

The  Relation  of  Education  to  Heredity  and  Growth.— 

The  results  discussed  in  the  preceding  chapter  clearly 
demonstrate  that  there  is  such  a  thing  as  original  capacity, 
capacity  determined  by  heredity  or  by  physiological  fac- 
tors very  early  in  operation.  Original  capacity,  whether 
intelligence  or  special  talent,  is  fixed  before  the  age  for 
entering  school.  With  this  fact  established,  it  is  easy  to 
see  that  the  object  of  education  must  be  the  provision 
of  exercise  for  these  capacities — not  the  creation  of  them. 
Capacities  are  simply  potentialities — possibilities — which 
the  school  must  transform  into  realities,  by  giving  them 
opportunity  to  manifest  themselves.  The  task  of  the 
school  is  nothing  other  than  to  arrange  for  all  children 
the  chance  to  use  whatever  capacities  they  may  possess. 
It  is  only  through  use  that  the  child's  capacities  may  be 
trained  to  accomplish  their  maximum. 

I  have  emphasized  the  distinction  betvveen  original 
capacity  and  the  opportunity  for  its  training  through 
exercise.  It  is  necessar>'  at  this  point  to  make  one  more 
distinction,  that  between  training  and  growth.  Original 
abilities,  although  inherited,  are  not  inherited  in  their  final 
form.  Present  at  birth,  they  still  have  before  them  a 
long  process  of  growth,  as  have  the  brain  an  '  tlie  nerv'ous 
system,  in  which  they  find  their  physiological  l>asis.  The 
process  of  growth  of  an  organ,  and  the  rate  at  which  it 
grows,  are  as  largely  due  to  heredity  as  its  very  existence. 
Cro\\"th  in  mental  abllily  then,  should  not  be  confused, 
254 


HEREDITY  AND  GROWTH 


25s 


as  it  so  frequently  is,  with  the  effects  of  training.  Growth 
changes  the  amount  of  capacity ;  education  enables  the  indi- 
vidual to  accomplish  the  maximum  with  such  capacity  as 
he  may  possess.  The  distinction  is  clear  enough  in  adults, 
vvho  go  on  learning  all  their  lives,  but  who  stop  growing 
in  intelligence  at  fourteen  or  fifteen.  I  have  pointed 
out,  too,  that  the  change  in  ability  represented  by  the 
change  from  one  mental  age  to  a  higher  one  should  be 
regarded  not  as  the  result  of  education  or  training,  but  as 
a  matter  of  growth.^ 

It  is  probably  true  that  very  early  training  of  mental 
capacities  has  something  to  do  with  their  growth.  Prob- 
ably at  an  early  age  the  brain  cells  need  stimulation 
through  the  avenues  of  the  senses,  just  as  they  need 
nutrition  from  the  blood,  in  order  to  attain  their  maximal 
growth.  They  need  education  as  well  as  nutrition — a 
psychological  environment  as  well  as  a  physiological  one. 
If  newborn  kittens  are  blinded  before  their  eyes  open, 
there  results  a  degeneration  of  the  cells  of  the  visual  area 
of  the  cerebral  cortex.  This  points  to  the  desirability 
of  a  broad  experience  early  in  life,  so  that  as  many  brain 
pathways  as  possible  will  receive  the  stimulation  neces- 
sary for  their  proper  growth. 

The  effect  of  education  or  environment  on  the  growth 
of  innate  abilities,  however,  should  not  be  overestimated. 
The  evidence  of  its  importance  in  affecting  growth,  even 
at  an  early  age,  is  not  strong.  We  have  ver>'  little  definite 
knowledge  of  the  manner  by  which  educational  or  psycho- 
logical environment,  consisting  of  the  stimuli  w^hich  act 
on  the  senses,  and  regarded  as  separate  from  the  nutri- 
tional environment  consisting  of  the  blood,  may  affect 
the  growth  of  brain  cells.    Moreover,  even  if  that  knowl- 

'  See  Chapter  II,  p.  37- 


2S6 


ORGANIZATION  OF  EDUCATION 


edge  were  more  dcfimte,  even  though  wc  were  sure  that 
the  effect  of  environment  on  the  growth  of  the  brain  cells 
was  considerable,  it  is  quite  certain  that  this  effect  is 
exerted  Ix^f^re  the  age  of  entering  school.     Tlic  evidence 
for  this  early  fixation  of  a  child's  mental  capacities  I  have 
already  reviewed.     It  consists  in  studies  of  the  growth 
of  the  brain,  studies  of  the  constancy  of  a  child's  bright- 
ness as  he  increases  in  age,  and  in  studies  of  the  heredity 
of  mental  traits.     It  is  conclusive,  and  we  cannot  d  ^ount 
it.     It  proves  that  on  the  average,  mental  abilities,  in  the 
sense  of  capacities,  are  fixed  before  the  school  age.    At 
this  age,  the  capacities  have  either  completed  their  growth 
or  will  do  so  independently  of  education. 

The  work  of  the  school,  then,  is  no  more  to  produce 
growth  of  capacities  than  to  create  them.  The  schools 
cannot  bring  out  of  a  child  what  the  good  Lord  never  put 
into  him.  The  business  of  the  schools  is  to  see  that  the 
child  has  the  chance  to  show  what  is  in  him. 

The  accomplishments  by  which  an  original  ability  may 
manifest  itself  depend  uptjn  environment  and  education. 
Two  children  may  have  the  same  original  ai  'lity,  and  yet, 
on  account  of  the  different  opportunities  a.  .rded  by  their 
environment,  show  the  utmost  divergence  in  final  achieve- 
ments.    Indeed,  whole  races  may  be  largely  illiterate  or 
not,  according  to  the  organization  of  their  schools  and 
society.    For  example,  the  population  of  Mexico  is  known 
to  have  a  large  percentage  of  illiterates.    Are  we  to  con- 
clude that  this  large  percentage  has  not  sufficient  innate 
ability  to  acquire  the  art  of  reading?    By  no  means.    Send 
the  children  of  these  Mexicans  to  a  good  school  for  eight 
years,  and  undoubtedly  almost  all  of  them  would  learn 
to  read  and  write.     Differences  in  original  ability  would 
be  evidenced  uy  the  superiority  oi  ^ume  cniiurcn  in  rcauiiib 


HEREDITY  AND  (  ROVvTII 


257 


and  writing,  'AJth  no  better  instruction  than  otliers;  but 
w ilhout  instriKrion  oi  opportunity  t  .en  superlative  abil- 
ity is  futile. 

Lester  Ward  has  gone  so  far  as  to  argue  that  many 
men  and  women  of  genius  have  appeared  in  the  world  and 
died  without  an  opportunity  to  win  recognition  as  such. 
In  so  far  as  he  means  merely  to  distiiigui^i  between  the 
possession  of  ability  and  the  chance  to  manifest  it,  there 
is  no  reason  for  disagreeing  with  h'  n.  O.  course  it  is  a 
sigu  of  genius  to  be  able  to  create  ti.  *  opportunity  for  its 
own  display.  But  it  may  be  impossible  even  for  a  gifted 
man  to  create  the  opportunity  for  display  of  all  his  genius. 
And  if  this  is  hard  for  the  auult  genius,  how  much  harder 
must  it  be  for  the  child  geaiu^!  As  for  the  exceptionally 
dull  child,  nothing  is  clearer  than  the  utter  impossibility 
of  his  creating  foi  himself  the  most  favorable  environ- 
ment for  the  use  of  hi>  abilities.  Clearly,  it  is  the  duty 
of  the  school  to  pro  /iJe  the  child  with  the  proper  environ- 
ment, one  that  offers  him  the  opportunity  and  incentive  to 
exercise  the  best  of  his  mental  abilities. 

To  provide  an  environment  suited  to  the  child's 
abilities,  the  school  must  know  two  things:  It  must 
know  the  nature  of  the  child's  abilities,  and  the  best 
environment  for  their  exercise.  Often  it  knows  neither. 
Probably  no  one  is  certain  about  the  best  schooling  for 
exceptionally  bright  children,  and  the  schools  are  only 
beginning  to  show  signs  that  they  realize  the  existence  of 
such  children.  Our  knowledge  has,  however,  made  great 
progress.  The  methods  for  determining  origin  J  abilities 
have  been  discussed  in  the  preceding  chapters.  It  remains 
to  consider  the  educational  environment  suited  to  the 
different  degrees  of  ability.  The  ret  ainder  of  the  pres- 
ent chanter  will  accordineflv  be  devoted  to  consideration 


I' 


258 


ORGANIZATION  OF  EDUCATION 


of  tlic  relation  of  innate  dullness  aiul  superiority  to 
the  orf^nnization  of  education,  and  the  following  cliaptcr 
t  )  their  hearinc;'  upon  methods  of  education. 

The  Necessity  of  Special  Education  for  Bright  and 
Dull  Children. — Obviously,  l^efore  any  methods  of  train- 
inj::^  can  attain  verj-  much  sticcess.  there  must  be  a  proper 
adjustment  of  the  methods  used  to  the  pupils  concerned. 
This  requires  a  proper  organization  of  the  school,  an 
administration  which  maps  out  in  broad  lines  the  objects 
to  be  accomplished  and  makes  sure  that  each  teacher  is 
engaged  in  the  right  work  with  the  right  children. 

The  point  of  fundamental  importance  for  public  school 
organization  is  that  different  training  should  be  provided 
for  the  dull  children  than  for  the  superior  ones.  The 
school  must  recognize  individual  differences;  and  the  most 
fundamental  is  in  general  intelligence.  Even  were  it 
desirable  that  all  children  should  learn  the  same  things, 
some  of  thern,  it  must  Ix?  recognized,  learn  more  quickly 
than  others;  some  karn  in  six  years  what  others  master 
only  in  ten  years.  This  is  due  primarily  to  the  fact  that 
the  superior  children  yrozv  in  intelligence  much  faster  than 
the  dull;  so  that  with  increase  in  age  there  is  constantly 
an  increase  in  the  difference  in  mental  age  between  the 
two  classes.  Children  of  the  same  mental  age  at  the 
time  of  entering  school  do  not  long  remain  of  the  same 
mental  age.  In  a  few  years,  the  brighter  children  are 
well  ahead  of  the  duller  ones,  although  the  instruction  is 
identical.  As  the  l)righter  children  outstrip  the  dull  in 
mental  age.  they  show  a  greatly  superior  learning  power, 
for  power  to  learn  goes  hand  in  hand  with  mental  age. 

It  is  not  merely  the  difference  ni  rate  of  mental  growth, 
however,  which  necessitates  a  difference  in  instruction: 


SPECIAL  EDUCATION 


259 


than  the  bright:  he  needs  t(i  \)c  t.iut,^Iit  (hffcrent  things; 
♦"or  him  tlie  emphasis  must  Ix?  difTerently  placed  ;  in  short, 
he  needs  a  cHfferent  quality  of  ethication.  The  capacities 
of  most  vakiable  service  to  the  dull  child  are  not  those 
which  form  the  most  valuable  assets  of  the  ,-uperior  child. 
Consequently,  the  environment  recjuircd  for  the  exercise 
of  a  child's  lx.'st  capacities  is  different  for  the  dull  and 
for  the  bright  A  properly  organized  school  must  th.  -e- 
fore  make  provision  not  only  for  difTcrent  rates  of  prog- 
ress, but  must  at  the  same  time  arrange  for  the  adaptation 
of  training  to  the  kind  of  child  receiving  it. 

Different  rates  of  progress  are  obvious;  but  the  state- 
ment that  dull  children  need  a  different  kind  of  training 
from  bright  children  need?  further  elucidation.  Does  not 
a  public  school  education,  it  may  be  asked,  consist  inevi- 
tably of  reading,  writing  and  arithmetic,  with  a  little 
geography,  history,  manual  training  and  grammar?  It 
usually  does,  and  very  properly  so.  But  the  conventional 
curriculum,  however  wisely  formulated,  should  not  be 
set  up  as  a  rigid  standard  to  which  all  children  must  con- 
form; to  suit  the  needs  of  a  large  percentage  of  children 
it  must  be  radically  modified. 

All  authorities  now  agree  that  the  dull  child  needs 
a  more  immediately  practical  education  than  the  normal 
child.  He  must  he  taught  to  do  something  useful,  and 
with  the  least  possible  expenditure  of  time  and  money. 
A  great  step  forward  has  been  taken  in  the  provision 
of  auxiliary  classes  for  these  children ;  but  in  spite  of  rapid 
progress  there  is  still  a  great  waste  in  trying  to  give  the 
children  of  these  classes  instruction  in  branches  of  learn- 
ing which  they  can  never  master.  The  principle  to  follow 
is  to  teach  only  those  things  which  the  child  can  without 


1 


26o 


ORGANIZATION  OF  EDUCATION 


doubt  master  sufficiently  to  make  of  them  a  real  asset  m 
such  life  work  as  he  can  be  trained  to  do  successfully. 

If  this  principle  is  to  i)e  followed,  education  must  be 
based  on  a  diagnosis  of  mental  capacities  which  takes  into 
consideration  not  simply  the  child's  mental,  anatomical 
and  chronological  ages,  but  his  entire  hislor}',  background 
and  constitittion.    On  the  Ixisis  of  such  diagnosis  a  rough 
and  tentative  estimate  can  be  made  of  the  sort  of  life-work 
which  the  child  may  ultimately  make  his  own.  Suppose,  for 
example,  that  we  have  to  do  with  a  feeble-minded  child 
who  seems  likely  never  to  go  nuich  beyond  the  mental  age 
of  seven  or  eight.    We  know  that  such  a  child  can  never 
leam  arithmetic,  or  even  reading  and  writing,  sufficiently 
for  them  to  be  a  real  help  to  him,  and  that  the  attempt  to 
teach  him  these  subjects  is  simply  a  great  waste  of  time, 
effort  and  money .=     If  a  child's  intelligence  quotient  is 
l)elow  0.70,  it  is  useless  to  attempt  instruction  in  arithmetic 
bevond    addition,    subtraction,    multiplication,    division 
and  very  simple  fractions;  if  it  is  below  0.40,  instruction 
in  reading,  even,  is  useless. 

There  are  innumerable  examples  like  that  of  the 
boy^  who  spent  seven  years  in  one  of  the  special  classes 
in  Cleveland,  after  attending  the  regular  grades  for  three 
years.  At  last  he  was  triumphant!-  able  painstakingly 
to  write  such  words  as  "  my."  "  see,"  and  "  dog,"  but 
unable  to  read  them  after  he  wrote  them.  His  "  educa- 
tion "  cost  the  city  one  thousand  dollars.*  Not  to  apply 
our  knowledge  that  instruction  in  the  three  "  R's  "  m  such 
•  See  Goddard.  "  School  Training  of  Defective  Children,"  1915. 

'^  '  •Mitchell,    "Schools    and    Qasses    for    Exceptional    Children." 
Cleveland  School  Sunry.  1916,  p.  69.  .  ^,_.  •  ^        .  r^u 

*For  similar  cases,  see  Chapter  I.  pp.  n,  12  (.-\bbie)  ana  Chap- 
ter XI,  pp.  .243.  -244  (Clara  and  Maud). 


SPECIAL  EDUCATION 


261 


cases  as  these  is  utterly  li  tiu,  now  that  we  have  by  a 
costly  exptrience  gained  cnowledge,  is  criminal  folly. 

What,  tlien,  should  1>        ■  education  of  a  child  who  is 
not  likely  to  exceed  the  nu   .al  age  of  seven  or  eight,  if  it 
is  to  contain  no  instruction  in  reading,  writing  or  arith- 
metic?    It  must  consist  essentially  of  training  in  some 
of  those  things  which  experience  has  shown  a  person  of 
these  low  mental  ages  able  to  accomplish  fairly  well,     tie 
may  succeed  at  many  varieties  of  manual  work.     The 
kind  of  niiuiur^.l  work  best  suited  to  each  mental  age  has 
now  been  worked  out  in  considerable  detail.     A  girl  of 
mental  age  seven,  for  instance,  may  l)e  taught  to  do  well 
any  of  the  following  occupations:  Washing  dishes,  setting 
table,  scrubbing,  and  other  forms  of  housework;  sewing 
and  simple  tailoring  operations ;  lace-making ;  rug  weav- 
ing- and  ironing  and  sorting  clothes.     A  man  of  mental 
age  seven  may  do  good  work  at  any  of  the  following: 
Housework,   such  as   sweeping  and   polishini,^  laundr>' 
work;  "outside  work,"  such  as  taking  care  of  a  lawn, 
using  pick  and  shovel,  or  teaming;  brush  making;  some 
bench  work:  and  net  work — the  making  of  tennis  nets 
or  hammocks.'* 

It  is  a  very  conservative  estimate,  that  at  least  the  dull- 
est ten  per  cent,  of  the  average  school  population  require 
a  special  education,  an  education  which  must  differ  from 
that  oT  he  non.ial  in  l:)eing  more  practical,  more  devoted 
to  vocational  and  industrial  training.  It  must  consist 
more  in  physical  activity  and  less  m  book  learning.  It 
must  prepare  the  child  by  the  shortest  and  most  economical 
route  for  the  '.>est  service  to  the  community  that  he  has 
it  in  hin^  to  render,  how^ever  humble  that  service  may  be. 

'Merrill.  "The  Abilit>'  of  the  Special  Class  Children  in  the 
"Three  R's.' "    Pcdanogical  Setiiinary.  vol.  xxv,  1918,  pp.  88-g6. 


■ 


m 


m 
ml 


262 


ORGANIZATION  OF  EDUCATION 


That  the  specal  education  of  the  supernormal  child  is 
of  even  greater  importance  than  that  of  the  dull  child 
is  not  so  readily  recognized.  Whereas  the  dull  child  is 
an  ever-present  source  of  trouble  to  the  teacher  and  a 
hindrance  to  her  work  with  the  children  who  are  more 
justly  entitled  to  her  time,  the  exceptionally  bright  child 
easily  takes  care  of  himself.  Althoujh  he  may  be  a  source 
of  disorder,  Ixjcause  he  '^  not  sufficiently  occupied  to  tind 
the  school  work  interesting,  he  keeps  pace  with  the  rest 
of  the  class  without  difficulty.  This  apparent  success  of 
the  bright  child  blinds  the  teacher  to  the  fact  tnat,  in  view 
of  his  superior  capacities,  he  is  accomplishing  far  less 
than  he  should.  It  is  clear,  however,  that  a  child  who  is 
to  grow  up  to  be  a  leader  in  society  deserves  a  much  more 
advanced  training  than  one  who  can  Imrely  be  trained  to 
self-support  If  we  continue  to  use  a  large  portion  of 
our  energies  in  training  the  children  of  the  lower  levels 
of  intelligence,  without  simultaneously  devoting  special 
attention  to  the  exceptionally  bright,  we  shall  produce 
an  unbalanced  system,  which  must  in  time  tend  to  pull 
downward  the  general  level  of  education. 

In  the  ordinary  schoolroom,  the  superior  child  obtains 
far  less  knowledge  and  training  than  he  can  assimilate,  less 
than  he  must  receive  if  his  abilities  are  to  be  exerted  to 
their  utmost.  The  exceptionally  bright  chUd  is  capa- 
ble of  turning  to  advantage  a  very  great  variety  of  knowl- 
edge. Kis  education  consequently  must  be  broader  than 
that  of  the  majority.  It  should  include  more  branches  of 
study,  and  more  advanced  study  Oi  the  subjects  taught  to 
the  average  children,  extra  problems  and  extra  study  of 
special  topics.  The  details  of  the  progr-^m  cannot  be 
formulated  until  we  have  a  much  larger  mass  of  really 
scientific  data.    Hitherto  our  knowledge  of  supernormality 


SPECIAL  EDUCATION 


263 


in  youth  has  been  confined  merely  to  fragmentary  infor- 
mation of  the  boyhood  days  of  great  men  and  scaltered 
accounts  of  infant  prodigies — as  unrehable  as  they  are 
sensational.  An  enlightened  educational  procedure  for 
these  children  still  awai'^^s  the  results  of  a  systematic  study 
of  the  supernormal,  including  not  only  a  study  of  their 
mental  traits,  with  related  physiological  conditions,  but 
a  careful  record  of  their  development  during  and  after 
their  school  training.  Only  in  this  way  will  the  proper 
system  ever  be  established. 

One  occasional  objection  to  special  education  of  the 
supernormal  child  is  Jiat  the  additional  demands  made 
upon  his  mental  ability  n.ay  overburden  him  physically 
so  as  to  endanger  his  health  and  physique.  Undeniably, 
great  care  must  be  exercised  on  the  physical  side,  but  there 
is  no  evidence  at  hand  to  show  that  a  bright  child  engaged 
in  mental  work  which  challenges  his  best  efforts  is  thereby 
doing  hii-.,elf  a  physical  injur>'.  There  is  danger,  no 
doubt,  but  harm  can  be  avoided  by  proper  attention  to  all 
matters  of  health  and  hygiene,  and  by  consideration  of 
these  latter  forces  before  purely  mental  development.  In 
this  connection,  a  knowledge  of  anatomical  age  is  of  great 
value.  As  a  previous  chapter  states,  no  child  should  be 
pushed  ahead  mentally  if  his  anatomical  development  is 
below  the  normal  for  his  age. 

Another  objection,  particularly  strong  in  a  democratic 
countr}-  like  America,  is  that  granting  special  attention 
to  exceptionally  bright  children  may  cause  them  to  feel 
superior  to  their  schoolmates,  and  so  develop  in  them  a 
spirit  of  arrogance  and  intellectual  conceit.  The  only 
wav  to  avoid  this  is  to  make  the  special  privileges  accorded 
to  these  children  dependent  upon  strength  of  character 
as  well  as  upon  mental  capacity.     Children  should  not 


i! 


i 


264 


ORGANIZATION  OF  EDUCATION 


acquire  these  privileges  ostensibly  for  a  high  level  of  intel- 
ligence, but  as  a  reward  of  hard  work;  and  continued 
enjoyment  of  them  should  be  made  dependent  upon  per- 
sistence of  effort,  earnestness  and  faithfulness.  By  main- 
tp.inin""  these  character  oualifications  there  is  little  danger 
that  a  child  wil'  become  conceited,  particularly  as  he  will 
compete  with  otl  ers  of  his  own  calibre  rather  than  with 
those  whom  he  can  easily  outclass. 

According  to  Stern,  one  of  the  ablest  of  the  few 
scientific  students  of  education  for  the  supernormal  child, 
the  moral  dangers  of  the  special  class  for  very  superior 
children  are  far  less  than  those  of  the  regular  class.  He 
summarizes  his  conclusions  thus :  "  A  school  system 
adapted  to  the  average  is  not  merely  uneconomical  for 
those  of  unusual  capacities.  It  is  under  some  circum- 
stances, positively  morally  dangerous,  because,  for  such 
pupils,  the  completion  of  the  assigned  work  is  but  play ; 
the  slow  progress  and  frequent  repetitions  IxDre  them ;  the 
deeper  interests  that  they  bring  with  them  to  the  school 
are  not  enlisted.  Consequently,  indolence,  laxity  and 
dislike  for  school  are  readily  developed ;  the  spirit  of  hard 
work,  self-control  and  conscientiousness  that  should 
spring  from  persistent  effort  fail  to  appear ;  in  short,  the 
higher  ethical  qualities  that  the  school  should  bring  into 
play  are  not  developed  in  these  pupils — a  situation  that 
is  doubly  deplorable  because  great  mental  gifts  first  make 
themselves  fully  evident  when  tliey  are  enlisted  in  the 
service  of  a  firm,  conscientious  will."  '^ 

Stern  believes  that  ver\-  remarkable  results  may  be 
attained  with  children  of  superior  mentality,  in  properly 
conducted  special  classes.     In  view  of  the  absence  of  any 

'"The  Supernormal  Child."  Journal  of  Educational  Psychology, 
vol.  ii,  iQii,  p.  148. 


I 


SPECIAL  EDUCATION 


265 


scientific  records,  we  cannot  do  better  than  again  to  quote 
his  views.  He  writes,  "  By  following  a  very  different  pace 
from  ordin^'-y  classes,  by  broadening  and  deepening  the 
cultural   1      erial,   1  y  minimizing  c'-iU   and  mechanical 

^»wlf-    ♦r'.    ♦^        r^/^«-i-»of  I/-N»"»      Kit   r»i  1 1  + 1  trn  fi  t^  (T   ocrw^r*!  ol  1  tr   +h*»   hiKif   r\T 

independent  mental  review  and  assimilation  of  the  subject- 
matter  and  by  free  election  within  the  subjects  of  instruc- 
tion (particularly  in  the  upper  classes),  the  superior 
capacities  oi  these  pupils  w^  tuld  be  given  the  possibility  of 
development  for  wh.ch  their  birth  had  fitted  them;  more- 
over, by  reason  of  the  quite  unusual  demands  made  upon 
them,  self-dis<ipline  and  the  spirit  of  conscientiousness 
would  als(  be  developed  in  a  manner  totally  impossible 
for  such  pupils  in  the  ord'nary  school.  .Vnd  there  would 
l)e  d  eloped  for  society  a  class  of  leaders  equipped  with 
really  deeper  and  b-oader  training."  "^ 

Stern's  emphasis  on  the  need  of  special  education  foi 
the  exceptionally  bright  child  is  echoed  by  numerous  other 
authorities.  Dr.  Wallin,  director  of  the  Psycho-Educa- 
tional Clinic  of  the  St.  Louis  Pubhc  Schools,  asserts 
that  the  supernormal  child  has  been,  more  than  any  other, 
neglected.^  Bonser  thinks  that  "  perhaps  the  worst  type 
of  retardation  in  the  schools  is  withholdmg  appropriate 
promotion  from  those  pupils  who  are  tlie  most  gifted, 
therefore  of  the  most  significanr'^  as  social  capital."  He 
came  to  this  concl  ision  from  u  „tudy  of  the  reasoning 
ability  in  children  of  the  fourth,  fifth  and  sixth  grades." 
He  found  that  many  children  of  the  fourth  grade  pos- 

'  Op.  cit.,  p.  183. 

" "  Clinical  Psychology  and  the  Psycho-Clinicist."  Journal  of 
Educational  Psychology,  vol.  vi,  191 1,  p.  123. 

'"The  Reasoning  Ability  of  Children  of  the  Fourth,  Fifth  and 
Sixth  Grades."  Teachers  College,  Columbia  University,  Contribu- 
tions to  Edtitation,  1910,  p.  91. 


,3 


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m 


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266 


ORGANIZATION  OF  EDUCATION 


sessed  better  mental  powers  than  did  children  in  the  sixth 
grade,  but  that  the  graded  system  made  no  provision  for 
the  adequate  development  of  these  powers.  Groszmann. 
who  describes  the  early  years  of  numerous  exceptionally 
bright  children,  states  his  opinion  as  lollows :  '*  As  long 
as  the  physical  health  and  strengtli  ot  children  of  this  tync 
keep  pace  with  their  mental  development,  there  is  nothing 
to  fear.  But  they  certainly  need  to  be  given  the  opportun- 
ity to  live  and  learn  according  to  their  quickened  rate. 
They  must  not  be  held  back  to  chafe  under  the  restraint 
of  their  vitality  and  initiative,  and  must  be  given  tasks 
commensurate  to  their  strength  and  ability  to  cover 
ground."  ^^ 

Dr.  Goddard  estimates  that  about  four  per  cent,  of 
the  children  in  the  public  schools  possess  mental  ability  so 
sjperior  to  the  average  child  as  to  demand  special  oppor- 
tunities in  the  way  of  special  classes  and  courses  of  study 
for  their  development.*^  Groszmann,  who  points  out  that 
at  present  exceptionally  br'ght  children  receive  less  atten- 
tion than  the  feeble-minded  ard  defective,  though  "  they 
are  infinitely  more  worth  while,"  estimates  that  "  their 
number  is  at  least  equal  to  the  number  of  abnormals  at  the 
lowest  end  of  the  scale."  " 

Provision  for  Dull  and  Superior  Children. — The  prob- 
lem ot  arranging  for  the  special  education  of  exceptionally 
dull  and  exceptionally  bright  children  is  a  very  compli- 
cated one.  Ic  shi)uld  be  viewed  m^e'-ely  as  part  of  the 
broader  pmblem  of  adapting  the  school  offerings  as  far 
as  possible  to  the  individual  needs  of  all  children,  including 

""The  Exceptional  Oiild,"  1917.  P-  117. 

"  "  Two  Thousand  Children  Measured  by  the  Binet  Measurins? 
Scale  of  IntelliRem    ."    Pedagogical  Seminary,  vol.  xviii,  191 1,  p.  236. 
"Op.  cit.,  p.  139. 


DULL  AND  SUPERIOR  CHILDREN 


267 


the  mediocre,  or  normal.  A  school  system,  to  make 
adequate  provision  for  individual  differences,  must  take 
into  consideration  the  following  three  factors :  ( i ) 
Unequal  rates  of  progress  made  by  children  of  different 
degrees  of  brightness;  (2)  uneven  progress  in  different 
subjects;  and  (3)  a  high  degree  of  individual  attention 
to  each  pupil  in  each  and  every  class. 

Some  very  elaborate  systems  have  been  devised,  many 
of  which  include  parallel  courses.  Thus,  the  well-known 
plan  evolved  in  Cambridge,  Mass.,  separates  the  pupils 
at  the  Ijeginning  of  the  fourth  year  into  a  slow  and  a  fast 
division.  The  pupils  of  the  fast  division  enter  upon  a 
program  which  completes  the  remaining  work  of  the 
grades  in  four  additional  years;  those  of  the  slow  division 
follow  a  program  which  includes  the  same  work,  but  which 
is  planned  so  as  to  consume  six  years.  Since  the  fast 
group  does  in  two  years  the  same  work  whicli  the  slow 
finishes  in  three  years,  the  two  groups  at  the  middle  of 
their  parallel  courses  arrive  at  the  same  point.  It  is  then 
possible  to  reclassify  the  pupils.  A  pupil  who  has  been 
in  the  fast  group  for  two  years  may  be  transferred  to  the 
slow  group  and  so  finish  in  three  more  years,  whereas 
a  pupil  who  has  been  in  the  slow  group  for  three  years 
may  be  transferred  to  the  bright  group  and  finish  with 
that  group  in  two  more  years. 

A  more  elaborate  arrangement  of  parallel  courses  is  the 
Mannheim  system,  established  in  1899,  in  Mannheim,  Ger- 
many. Its  most  distinguishing  feature,  perhaps,  is  the 
provision  of  "  furthering  classes."  These  classes  are  com- 
posed of  pupils  unable  to  keep  pace  with  the  regular  classes. 
They  are  of  seven  grades,  corresponding  to  the  first  seven 
grades  of  the  regular  course,  but  differing  in  that  the 
work  done  in  them  is  much  less  extensive.     The  children 


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268 


ORGANIZATION  OF  EDUCATION 


in  these  classes  arc  not  feeble-minded,  they  arc  simply 
dull,  and  include  alxjut  ten  per  cent,  of  all  the  children 
enrolled  in  the  schools.  The  great  majority  of  the  chil- 
dren in  these  classes  are  never  promoted  to  the  normal 
classes,  but  simply  to  the  next  furthering  class.  The 
system  permits,  however,  of  tlie  transfer  of  a  child  from 
any  of  the  regular  grades  into  one  of  these  furthering 
classes,  or,  on  the  other  hand,  from  one  of  the  furthering 
classes  to  the  regular  grades.  For  the  feeble-minded 
children,  there  is  provided  a  third  course  of  study,  the 
auxiliary  school,  which  has  only  four  grades. 

Besides  the  furthering  classes  for  the  dull,  and  the 
auxiliar}-  classes  for  the  feeble-minded,  the  Mannheim 
system  makes  special  provision  for  supernormal  children, 
comprising  extra  instruction  in  French  for  tlie  sixth, 
seventh  and  eighth  grades.  After  a  preliminary  course  in 
French  in  the  fifth  grade,  those  pupils  who  have  made 
good  progress  in  this  language  and  at  the  same  time 
continued  their  good  record  in  other  subjects,  and  who 
are  alwve  criticism  in  matters  of  conduct  and  industry, 
are  admitted  to  the  regular  foreign  language  classes. 
Pupils  whose  work  in  the  foreign  language  classes  is  poor 
are  sent  back  to  the  regular  classes. 

Whether  or  not  such  a  complex  process  as  \^  Mann- 
heim system  is  necessary,  in  order  to  adapt  the  means  of 
education  to  the  educability  of  the  individual  child,  is  a 
(jiiestion.  In  small  towns,  at  least,  simpler  methods  will 
have  to  be  devised.  There  is  nothing  superfluous,  how- 
ever, in  the  accomplishments  of  the  Mannheim  system; 
and  any  system  which  does  not  solve  all  the  problems  there 
taken  into  consideration  has  very  grave  shortcomings. 
The  aim  should  be  to  accomplish  not  only  as  much  as  the 
Mannheim  svstem  but  more.     Further  progress  is  needed 


DULL  AND  SUPERIOR  CHILDREN 


269 


particularly  in  the  treatment  of  exceptionally  bright  chil- 
dren and  in  the  matter  of  individual  attention  to  all  chil- 
dren, including  always — the  mediocre.  Many  people 
l)elieve  that  the  best  provision  for  bright  children  can  be 
made,  from  the  seventh  grade  on,  by  combining  the  sev- 
enth and  eighth  grades  in  one  system  with  the  four  years 
of  high  school.  Such  an  arrangement,  besides  possess- 
ing independent  advantages,  permits  the  exceptionally 
gifted  children  to  pursue  various  subjects  of  a  high-school 
grade  in  addition  to  the  regular  work  of  the  seventh  and 
eighth  grades.  Linking  the  regular  high  school  work 
with  the  upper  grades  facilitates  the  provision  of  spe- 
cial opportunities  for  the  brighter  pupils  of  those  grades, 
particularly  as  the  work  of  high  schools,  with  its  instruc- 
tion by  subjects  instead  of  by  giades,  is  itself  usually 
organized  upon  a  much  more  flexible  basis  than  is  that  of 
the  grades. 

When  it  is  feasible  to  keep  the  classes  small,  a  idirly 
simple  organization  will  suffice.  Holmes  suggests  the 
following  as  satisfactory : 

"  The  work  would  be  based  on  what  might  be  called 
a  course  of  study  in  the  fundamentals :  this  work  would 
l>e  so  graded  as  to  be  within  the  powers  of  all  normal 
children,  both  quick  and  slow.  To  it  would  be  added 
a  course  of  optional  topics  to  be  studied  by  the  abler 
pupils  largely  by  themselves,  in  order  to  develop  initiative 
and  self-direction.     .     .     . 

"  Beginning,  perhaps,  at  the  sixth  grade,  the  work 
would  be  somewhat  differentiated  without  in  the  least 
breaking  up  the  class  organization." 

As  a  chief  feature,  this  plan  requires  a  "  supervisor 
of  individual  work."  "  '^his  teacher  would  be  in  charge 
of  the  work  of  four  or  six  rooms.    In  her  hands  would  be 


''11^ 


;i  1 


'4: 


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i 


270  ORGANIZATION  OF  EDUCATION 

the  school  welfare  of  all  the  individual  pupils  in  these  four 
or  six  rooms,  hut  she  would  care  especially  for  the  abler 
pupils  and  also  for  the  slow  and  Ixickward.  When  an 
abler  pupil  had  l^een  promoted,  of  course  she  would  see 
that  he  was  adjusted  to  the  work  of  the  new  grade."  ** 
As  a  rule,  instead  of  one  teacher  to  manage  the  education 
of  both  the  brightest  and  dullest  children,  it  is  higlily 
advisable  to  provide  a  separate  teacher  and  room  for  each 
of  these  two  classes  of  children. 

The  Problem  of  the  Feeble-minded. — In  most  of  our 
large  cities,  the  outstanding  feature  of  the  provision  for 
exceptional  children  is  the  auxiliary  class,  often  called  an 
ungraded  class.  In  some  schools  there  is  simpl>  one  of 
these  classes  for  all  the  different  school  grades;  in  other 
schools,  the  auxiliary  classes  themselves  are  graded,  and 
correspond  to  the  first  four  regular  grades.  The  pupils 
in  these  ungraded  classes  are  chiefly  feeble-minded  chil- 
dren, usually  of  the  moron  grade.  Occasionally,  how- 
ever, one  meets  with  a  child  of  the  imbecile  grade,  and,  on 
the  other  hand,  there  may  be  numerous  borderline  cases 
or  children  who  are  merely  backward. 

These  auxiliary  classes  usually  contain  from  ten  to 
fifteen  children,  who  differ  greatly  in  size  and  age,  and 
who  are  likely  to  impress  the  visitor  as  a  motley  group, 
even  in  those  schools  which  have  several  grades,  so  that  the 
children  may  be  classified  by  mental  age.  The  school- 
room contains,  instead  of  the  usual  desks,  tables  and 
chairs  of  various  sizes,  which,  at  times,  may  be  pushed 
aside  to  clear  the  floor  for  games.  Around  the  sides  of 
the  room  are  work-benches,  cupboards  and  store-cases,  for 
dishes,  tools,  and  various  teaching  materials.    Sometimes 

"  Holmes,  "  School  Organization  and  the  Individual  Child,"  IQ12, 
pp.  84-«6. 


PROBLEM  OF  FEEBLE-MINDED 


271 


there  is  an  additional  room  with  a  full  kitchen  and  diningf- 
rooru  equipment.  Where  several  of  these  classes  are  in  the 
same  building,  there  may  be  special  room.-i  for  manual 
training,  for  gynuiastic  exercises,  for  sewing,  for  cooking, 
and  so  forth.  Sometimes  one  room  is  so  equipped  that  it 
may  be  turned  to  any  use  that  the  instruction  in  hand 
makes  desirable.** 

Communities  possessing  these  ungraded  classes 
usually  miscomprehend  their  function.  The  idea  is  wide- 
spread that  the  business  of  these  classes  is  to  enable 
children,  by  means  of  miracles,  to  "  catch  up "  with 
pupils  in  the  regular  grades.  As  a  matter  of  fa^^t,  the 
great  majority  of  the  children  in  the  ungraded  classes, 
indeed,  all  who  are  properly  there,  can  never  be  brought 
up  to  normal.  Fortunately,  this  is  now  quite  well  under- 
stood by  those  in  charge  of  these  classes,  if  not  by  the 
community  at  large. 

The  establishment  of  these  ungraded  classes  for  the 
feeble-minded  in  the  public  schools  by  no  means  solves  the 
problem  of  subnormal  children.  In  connection  with 
every  school  system  having  classes  for  feeble-minded 
children,  there  should  be,  in  addition,  classes  for  dull 
children  above  the  grade  of  feeble-minded.  Under  various 
designations,  such  classes  now  exist  in  a  number  of  our 
leading  cities,  in  addition  to  the  classes  for  the  feeble- 
minded. In  them  are  included  not  only  dull  cliildren  but 
also  backward  children,  who  for  one  reason  or  anotlier  are 
simply  delayed  in  their  mental  development. 

The  public  school  ungraded  classes  for  feeble-minded 
not  only  fail  to  solve  the  problem  of  the  dull  and  backward 
children,  but  in  a  very  serious  degree  fail  to  solve  the 

"  For  further  description,  see  Goddard.  "  School  Training  of  De- 
fective Children,"  1915,  pp.  ig-27. 


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272 


ORGANIZATION  OF  EDUCATION 


great  problem  with  which  they  are  particularly  concerneil, 
that  of  feeble-mindedness.  The  auxiliary  teachers  do  all 
that  can  be  reasonably  expected.  The  trouble  is  that  the 
children  of  these  classes  do  not  go  to  school  all  their  lives. 
The  benefit  received  by  the  school  training  is  lost  and 
sometimes  worse  than  lost  in  their  subsequent  careers. 
Some  years  ago  a  report  was  published  giving  the  after- 
history  of  fifty  persons  selected  at  random  from  former 
pupils  of  ungraded  schools  of  New  York.*"'  The  findings 
were  summarized  in  the  statement  that  "  the  majority  are 
utterly  incapable."  Only  two  of  the  fifty  were  found 
"  to  show  signs  of  being  able  to  hold  permanent  employ- 
ment." In  spite  of  the  fact  that  these  cases  were  all 
under  twenty  yea'-s  of  age,  it  was  evident  that  in  numerous 
instances  the  temptation  to  an  immoral  or  even  criminal 
life  could  not  be  resisted.  Several  of  the  girls,  although 
feeble-minded,  were  engaged  to  be  married ;  others  had 
already  found  their  way  into  some  sort  of  *'  House  of 
Refuge  "  or  penal  institution.  The  careers  of  the  grad- 
uates of  auxiliary  classes  show  that  in  a  large  percentage 
of  cases  their  training  has  failed  to  enable  them  to  become 
independent  and  useful  meml^ers  of  the  community. 

The  proper  solution  of  the  great  problem  of  the  feeble- 
minded remains  to  be  determinetl.  There  are  numerous 
proposals.  Some  authorities  are  convinced  that  w^e  must 
increase  the  number  of  our  state  and  city  institutions 
for  the  feeble-minded  until  there  are  accommodations 
for  the  whole  feeble-minded  population.  This  would 
mean  that  the  existing  facilities  vv'ould  have  to  l)e  many 
times  increased,  for  only  a  small  fraction  of  the  feeble- 
minded persons  in  the  countr^^  certainly  not  over  a  fifth, 


Anne  Moore,  "The  Fceble-Minded  in  New  York,"  191 1,  pp. 


45-4^. 


PROBLExM  OF  FEEBLE-MINDED 


573 


pp. 


are  now  in  institutions.  Such  additional  provision,  of 
course,  would  necessarily  be  coupled  with  a  law  giving 
to  these  institutions  the  right  to  retain  in  their  custody 
all  inmates  likely  to  becorrxc  sources  of  trouble  to  the  com- 
munity or  to  reproduce  their  kind. 

Another  proposal  advocates  the  permanent  custody  of 
all  feeble-minded  persons  except  those  who,  by  means  of 
a  surgical  operation,  have  l:>een  rendered  incapable  of 
reproduction.  With  such  provision,  one  or  two  genera- 
tions would  certainly  behold  great  improvement.  The 
problem  would  then  be  fairly  simple.  Of  course  new  cases 
of  feeble-mindedness  would  constantly  develop.  Not  all 
feeble-mindedness  is  hereditary.  It  must  originate  before 
it  can  be  inherited,  and  it  will  continue  to  originate  in  the 
future  from  the  same  causes  as  in  the  past.  And  it  would 
always  be  impossible  to  relegate  to  institutions  large  num- 
bers of  the  great  mass  of  border-line  cases.  Certainly, 
though,  the  number  could  be  so  reduced  that  the  burden 
would  be  comparatively  light.  Were  there  institutions 
enough  for  the  great  majority  of  existing  cases,  the  num- 
ber would  more  than  suffice  for  future  generations. 

For  the  present,  we  must  admit  that  the  idea  of  putting 
all  feeble-minded  children  under  the  control  of  institu- 
tions, unless  they  are  sterilized,  is  an  idle  dream.  The 
public  has  not  yet  been  educated  to  the  point  of  taking  the 
drastic  measures  that  are  necessary  to  cope  properly  with 
the  problem.  Consequently,  the  immediately  urgent  thing, 
pending  such  education  of  the  public,  is  to  provide  more 
thoroughly  than  at  present  for  the  after-care  of  the 
pupils  who  leave  the  ungraded  classes  of  the  public 
schools.  In  France,  a  Committee  of  Patrons  is  appointed 
in  connection  with  every  auxiliary  school.  Women  must 
form  a  part  of  the  membership.     Some  such  committee 


374 


ORGANIZATION  OF  EDUCATION 


should  exist  in  this  country  for  every  ungraded  class. 
Its  duty  would  be  to  find  employment  suitable  to  the 
capacities  and  character  of  persons  coming  under  its 
jurisdiction.  A  committee,  however,  no  matter  how 
charitably  inclined,  cannot  be  expected  to  act  with  the 
constant  attention  necessary  for  the  after-care  of  the 
feeble-minded;  and  its  authority  would  be  limited.  It 
would  therefore  seem  desirable  in  addition  to  appoint, 
under  the  law,  on  salary  and  full  time,  especially  qualified 
officers,  to  look  after  the  feeble-minded  persons  of  the 
community.  Such  officers  could  be  discharged  upon  lax 
performance  of  duty. 

If  the  feeble-minded  are  to  mingle  freely  in  society, 
we  must,  in  addition  to  giving  more  attention  to  after- 
care, take  pains  to  determine  exactly  who  are  the  feeble- 
minded members  of  a  community,  and  to  enforce  strictly 
the  laws  against  their  marriage.  This  requires  the  admin- 
istering of  group  intelligence  tests  to  the  entire  school 
population,  and  individual  examination  of  doubtful  cases. 
Thus,  in  the  course  of  time,  a  list  may  be  secured  of  all 
feeble-minded  persons  and  their  addresses.  The  after- 
care officers  or  committees,  and  those  having  authority 
to  grant  marriage  licenses,  should  be  furnished  this  list. 
At  present  there  is  no  way  of  enforcing  the  laws  against 
the  marriage  of  the  feeble-minded,  because,  with  the 
exception  of  low  grade  cases,  who  are  not  likely  to  marry, 
the  feeble-minded  are  not  definitely  known.  In  Minne- 
sota, at  the  instigation  of  Dr.  Kuhlmann,  there  is  now 
being  conducted  a  census  of  an  entire  county — a  rather 
populous  one.  I  have  no  doubt  that  when  the  importance 
of  this  work  is  publicly  recognized,  it  will  be  extended  to 
include  the  whole  state.  We  must  know  who  and  where 
the  feeble-minded  are  before  we  can  care  for  them. 


CHAPTER  XIV 


EDUCATIONAL  METHODS 

After  organizing  classes  to  adapt  education  to  indi- 
vidual differences  in  brightness,  it  becomes  necessary  to 
consider  the  proper  educational  methods  for  use  with 
different  classes  and  different  individuals  within  these 
classes.  We  must  analyze  the  processes  of  which  education 
consists  and  determine  how  they  vary  with  differences 
in  mental  ability.  We  are  not  infrequently  told  that  the 
principles  of  education  are  the  same  for  a  dull  or  feeble- 
minded child  as  for  a  normal  or  bright  one.  But  what 
are  these  principles?  Many  of  them  are  stated  in  pub- 
lished accounts  of  the  education  of  the  feeble-minded, 
but  it  is  very  doubtful  whether  any  of  them,  as  laid  down,' 
are  applicable  to  the  education  of  children  displaying  the 
higher  degrees  of  brightness.  The  search  for  principles 
must  be  continued:  and  we  may  well  begin  it  by  an  an- 
alysis of  the  methods  that  have  for  over  a  century  been 
evolving  for  the  education  of  the  feeble-minded. 

The  Savage  of  the  Aveyron.— Attempts  to  provide  an 
education  adapted  to  the  needs  of  feeble-minded  children 
go  back  to  the  sensational  experiment  made  by  Itard  at 
the  beginning  of  the  last  century  on  an  idiot  of  eleven 
or  twelve  years  of  age,  known  as  the  "Savage  of  the 
Aveyron."  First  discovered  by  hunters,  during  the 
eighth  year  of  the  French  Republic,  in  a  wood  in  the 
department  of  Aveyron,  France,  entirely  naked,  and  seek- 
ing his  nourishment  from  nuts  and  roots,  he  led  the  life 


r,f 


a  sav; 


TSm.     .— 1 , J  _  .. 

ii~  -.voo  uiiucaii,  iiittuc  Spasnioiiic  and  con- 

275 


376 


EDUCATIONAL  METHODS 


vulsive  movements,  showed  no  gratitude  to  those  who 
aided  him.  attempted  to  bite  and  scratch  those  who  coerced 
him,  was  able  to  make  only  a  fevv  animal-like  sounds,  and 
seemed  altogether  incapable  of  attention.  Not  only  was 
he  utterly  wanting  in  the  ability  to  speak,  but  even  his 
gestures  and  bodily  movements  showed  no  trace  of 
expression.  He  passed  rapidly,  and  without  apparent 
motive,  from  spells  of  pathetic  sadness  to  violent  out- 
bursts of  laughter.  His  sole  manifestation  of  intelli- 
gence concerned  the  satisfaction  of  his  gluttonous  appe- 
tite; yet  he  lacked  sufticient  mental  acumen  to  climb  upon 
a  chair  in  order  to  obtain  food  placed  beyond  his  imme- 
diate reach. 

Contrary  to  the  opinion  of  Pinel,  the  great  pioneer  in 
the  study  of  mental  disorders,  who  held  that  the  case 
was  one  of  rank  idiocy,  Itard  believed  the  boy  was 
merely  uncivilized,  and  possessed  an  intelligence  simply 
untouched  by  any  sort  of  education.  Had  he  regarded 
the  boy  as  an  idiot,  as  one  without  intelligence,  he 
would  never  have  undertaken  his  training,  for  he 
viewed  his  labors  as  an  experiment  in  the  philosophy 
of  mind,  designed  "to  solve  the  metaphysical  prob- 
lem of  determining  what  might  be  the  degree  of 
intelligence  and  the  nature  of  the  ideas  in  a  lad,  who, 
deprived  from  birth  of  all  education,  should  have  lived 
entirely  separated  from  individuals  of  his  kind."  ^  For 
years  Itard  worked  with  utmost  patience.  He  was  con- 
stantly devising  new  and  ingenious  methods  for  awaken- 
ing the  senses  of  his  pupil,  for  developing  a  power  of 
speech,  and  for  getting  the  boy  to  exercise  his  mind  in 

,,.  ..'^f^'"^'  "Rapports  ct  mc'inoires  sur  le  sauvage  de  TAvcyron 
1  idiotie  ct  la  surdi-mutite."  1894,  p.  9.  This  work  is  a  collection  of 
reprints  which  includes  Itard's  paper  of  1801  on  the  early  develop- 
ment of  the      Young  Savaee  of  the  AveYrnn." 


THE  PHYSIOLOGICAL  METHOD  277 

the  satisfaction  of  wants.  At  the  end  of  five  years  of  daily 
experimentation,  Itard  -ame  to  feel,  as  Seguin  puts  it, 
that  "  there  were  other  impediments  besides  savageness 
in  his  pupil;"  and  in  a  report  to  the  Minister  of  the 
Interior  he  confessed  that  his  experience  had  been  not  so 
much  one  of  progress  of  the  pupil  as  of  failure  of  the 
instructor.  Notwithstanding  this  modesty,  Itard  recog- 
nized that  the  personality  of  his  ward  at  the  end  of  five 
years'  training  offered  a  sharp  and  wonderfully  favorable 
contrast  with  its  original  condition. 

The  improvement  was  summed  up  under  three  head- 
ings :  First,  there  was  a  marked  development  of  the  senses ; 
second,  knowledge  of  language  was  acquired  to  such  an 
extent  that  the  lx)y  could  name  objects,  designate  their 
qualities  and  uses,  express  his  desires,  understand  orders, 
and,  in  the  words  of  Itard,  carry  on  "  a  free  and  continual 
exchange  of  ideas;  "  third,  in  spite  of  a  persistent  desire 
to  enjoy  the  freedom  of  the  fields  and  a  marked  indiffer- 
ence to  the  pleasure  of  society,  there  finally  developed  a 
sense  of  human  relationship,  manifested  by  signs  of 
affection,  by  pleasure  at  having  done  well  and  by  shame 
at  bad  conduct.^ 

How  were  these  wonderful  results  accomplished? 
In  geneicil,  by  what  has  been  called  the  physiological 
method,  an  elalx)rate  series  of  ingenious  procedures,  later 
perfected  and  systematized  by  Seguin  and  described  by 
him  in  great  detail,'^ 

The  Physiological  Method.— Seguin  in  1837  founded 
the  first  school  devoted  primarily  to  the  education  of 

'Itard,  op.  cit.,  pp.  105-106. 

Jf^'^^'"^"'  moral,  hygiene  et  education  des  idiots,"  Paris, 
1846  Also  "Idiocy,  Its  Diagnosis  and  Treatment  by  the  Physiologi- 
cal Method     Albany,  N.  Y.,  1864.     Reprint  published  by  Teachers 

Lolleee.    Columbia    T'nivprQifv     ir«-.-T 


278 


EDUCATIONAL  METHODS 


idiots,  and  was  instrumental  in  founding  some  of  the  most 
famous  of  such  institutions  in  America.  His  account  of 
the  physiological  method  was  based  upon  a  lifetime  of 
practical  experience  in  the  education  of  idiots,  and  a  bet- 
ter idea  of  its  principles  may  be  obtained  from  his  exposi- 
tion than  from  that  of  Itard,  or,  indeed,  from  any  of  his 
followers,  for  his  work  has  never  been  surpassed. 

The  fundamental  principle  o  f  the  physiological  method 
is  more  easily  stated  than  understood.  It  is  based  on  the 
concept  that  an  individual,  although  a  unitary  machine, 
has  a  number  of  interrelated  faculties  or  "  functions."' 
Each  sense  is  one  of  these  functions,  and  so  also  are  the 
capacities  for  motion  and  speech.  Dependent  upon  the 
proper  development  of  these  functions  are  others,  not 
systematically  enumerated,  such  as  memory,  association, 
attention  and  reasoning  ability.  The  fundamental  prin- 
ciple is  therefore  that  education  should  train  the  various 
functions  or  faculties  by  means  of  drill  exercises.  This 
operation  contrasts  with  an  education  which  aims  merely 
at  imparting  information  or  knowledge.*  Each  function 
or  faculty,  each  system  of  neurones,  is  developed  to  the 
fullest  possible  extent. 

Montessori  illuminates  the  method  by  her  reference 
to  experimental  psychology.  Her  procedure,  in  prm- 
ciple  like  that  of  Seguin,  she  says  is  based  on 
that  of  experimental  psychology.'  She  considers  experi- 
mental psychology  to  be  a  science  which  tests  or  meas- 
ures the  various  senses  and  other  functions.  These 
tests  involve  sensory  discrimination.  For  example,  the 
experimental  psychologist  tests  hearing  by  determining  the 

I  Seguin,  "  Idiocy  and  Its  Treatment,"  1907,  n   28 
^Montessori,    "The   Montessori    Method,"   third    edition,    1912, 


THE  PHYSIOLOGICAL  METHOD 


279 


smallest  perceptible  difference  between  two  tones,  in  loud- 
nci,s  or  in  pitch ;  color  vision,  by  the  smallest  perceptible 
difference  in  the  hue  of  two  colors;  and  touch,  by  the 
smallest  distance  between  two  points  applied  to  the  skin 
which  will  permit  of  their  recognition  as  two  instead  of 
one.     Now  Montessori's  idea  is  simply  that  whenever  a 
function  is  tested,  it  is  exercised,  and  so  by  simply  using 
tests  suited  to  children,  tests  which  interest  instead  of 
wearying  them,  the  educator  may  turn  the  psychologist's 
measurements  into  exercises  for  the  development  of  the 
senses.     Every  psychologist  knows  that  any  mental  test 
can  easily  be  transformed  into  a  game,  and  that  if  he  is 
willing  to  sacrifice  the  idea  of  measurement,  the  variety  of 
games  is  considerable.    For  instance,  instead  of  asking  his 
subjects  which  of  two  tones  is  the  louder,  or  the  higher  in 
pitch,  familiar  objects,  differing  in  sound  when  dropped 
upon  a  table  or  shaken  in  a  box,  may  be  used,  and  the 
child  asked  to  guess  vvhich  object  he  has  heard.    Moreover, 
psychological   tests   can  be  classified   according  to   the 
various  mental    functions  which  they   test.     Thus  the 
physiological  method  is  a  number  of  more  or  less  scien- 
tific exercises  for  the  development  of  various  functions 
or  faculties. 

The  training  of  the  senses  and  of  motor  ability  has 
greatest  prominence  in  the  physiological  method.  None 
of  the  senses  is  ignored,  not  even  that  of  smell  or  taste. 
They  are  trained  mainly  by  acts  of  sensory  discrimination 
or  comparison.  The  sense  of  sight  is  trained  by  practice 
in  the  sorting  of  colors,  such  as  sorting  a  box  of  variously 
colored  pegs  into  piles  each  of  one  color.  Similar  sort- 
ing exercises  may  be  for  length,  form  or  size,  in  place 
of  color,  or,  instead  of  simply  putting  together  those 
which  are  alike,  tiic  child  may  be  trained  to  fit  the  pegs 


3  8o 


EDUCATIONAL  METHODS 


into  peg  boards  or  form  boards.  These  exercises,  par- 
ticularly when  the  i-lvld  is  blindfolded,  exercise  the  sense 
of  touch.  The  sense  of  touch  is  further  developed  by 
having  the  child  draw  his  fingers  lightly  over  surfaces 
of  various  degrees  of  roughness  with  his  eyes  shut,  until 
he  is  able  to  make  fine  distinctions.  The  sense  of  hearing 
is  trained  by  identifying  objects  according  to  the  sound 
they  make,  or  by  attempting  to  find  on  the  piano  a  tone 
just  sounded  by  the  teacher.  Great  emphasis  is  laid  also 
upon  the  use  of  music,  not  merely  as  a  training  for  the  ear, 
but  as  an  aid  to  physical  exercises,  such  as  drill  and 
dancing,  and  as  a  general  stimulus  to  mental  activity.* 
Motor  training,  training  in  movement  and  action,  is 
given  by  such  exercises  as  cutting,  folding,  modelling, 
weaving  and  the  use  of  tools.  Imitation  of  the  teacher's 
movements  may  also  be  used.  At  an  earlier  stage,  it  may 
be  necessary  to  give  training  in  elementary  motor-coordi- 
nations, like  those  involved  in  standing  and  walking,  and 
carrying  objects.  "  Consequently,"  writes  Tredgold, 
"  the  first  exercises  must  be  directed  towards  teaching  the 
child  to  maintain  a  proper  balance  of  the  body,  to  run 
and  to  walk,  to  push  and  pull,  to  seize,  to  hold,  and  to  let 
go,  tolerably  large  objects.  For  this  purpose  such  exer- 
cises as  mounting  a  ladder  placed  against  a  wall,  walking 
between  the  rungs  of  a  ladder  placed  flat  upon  the  ground, 
marching  in,  out,  and  over  various  obstacles  to  the  accom- 
paniment of  music,  and  accurately  covering  with  the 
feet  a  series  of  footprints  chalked  upon  the  ground,  as 
recommended  by  Seguin,  are  of  the  highest  service."  " 
Catching   and   throwing   a  bean   bag,    picking   up   and 

•  For  further  details,  see  Anderson,  "  Education  of  Defectives  in 
the  Public  Schools,"  1917,  p,  104. 


!l! 


THE  PHYSIOLOGICAL  METHOD 


381 


carrying  objects   and   innumerable  other   exercises  are 
widely  employed. 

In  theory,  the  physiological  method  does  not  stop  with 
the  training  of  sensory  and  motor  faculties,  but  usually 
it  represents  little  else.  However,  even  Seguin  descril^es 
methods  for  the  cultivation  of  memory  and  imagination 
and  the  moral  sense,  and  some  modern  writers  have  listed 
exercises  for  the  development  of  all  the  better  recog- 
nized functions.  Miss  Morgan,  for  example,  gives  exer- 
cises, patterned  somewhat  after  the  psychologist's  mental 
tests,  for  each  of  the  following  faculties:  Sensation,  per- 
ception, abstraction,  association,  attention,  memory, 
imagiiiation,  invention,  judgment  and  reasoning.*  These 
exercises  are  devised  for  a  class  of  children  somewhat 
above  the  grade  of  feeble-minded,  including  both  the  dull 
and  the  backward. 

For  the  light  it  throws  upon  the  idea  of  training 
functions  rather  than  the  imparting  of  knowledge,  and 
consequently  upon  the  main  principles  underlying  the 
so-called  physiological  method  as  described  by  its 
exponents,  it  is  worth  while  to  note  some  of  Morgan's 
methods.  Automatic  memory  is  trained  by  having  the 
child  make  "  lists  of  common  things,  like  the  furniture  in 
the  kitchen  at  home,  or  all  the  thmgs  one  cooks  with, 
or  all  the  things  he  has  in  his  desk  at  school,  or,  if  he 
goes  to  a  carpentry  class,  all  the  tools  he  uses."  "  Another 
way  to  train  automatic  memory  is  to  have  the  child  repeat 
a  series  of  words,  numbers,  or  nonsense  syllables  which 
the  teacher  says  to  him,  gradually  increasing  the  number." 
Voluntary  memory  is  trained  by  the  writing  of  original 
rhymes.  As  the  child  learns  his  own  rhymes  by  heart,  he 
memorizes  others   on  similar  subjects.     Gradually  the 

'  Morgan,  "'  Ihe  Backward  Qiiid,"  1914, 


282 


EDUCATIONAL  METHODS 


coniinitting  to  memory  of  prose  and  verse  may  supple- 
ment the  verse  writing.  Exercises  for  the  imagination 
include  retelling  stories,  illustrating  stories  by  freehand 
drawing,  and  making  up  stories  accompanying  colored 
pictures.  Invention  is  trained  by  picture  puzzles  involving 
the  piecing  together  of  fragments  and  by  completion  tests, 
like  those  described  in  a  previous  chapter,  in  which  the 
missing  words  of  a  story  must  be  supplied. 

These  methods  of  so-called  physiological  education  are 
brilliantly  summarized  by  Binet*^  under  the  heading  of 
"  Mental  Orthopedics."     The  name  is   suggestive.     As 
physical  orthopedics  corrects  the  position  of  a  spinal  verte- 
bra which  is  out  of  place,  so  mental  orthopedics  corrects, 
cultivates  and  strengthens  attention,  memory,  perception, 
judgment  and  will.    By  this  art  one  seeks  not  to  impart 
knowledge  of  facts  and  ideas  to  the  children,  but  to  develop 
their  mental  faculties.  ^'^    Binet  cites  numerous  exercises, 
some  borrowed  from  Seguin.    He  follows  Seguin's  prac- 
tice of  requiring  at  intervals  absolute  quiet  and  immo- 
bility; he  introduces  tests  of  strength  of  grip  and  speed 
of  tapping,  in  which  the  children  are  encouraged  to  rival 
each  other;  and  he  develops  motor  control  by  having 
the  children  carry  cups  of  water  from  one  table  to  an- 
other without  spilling  a  drop.     An  exercise  of  attention 
and  memory,  which  he  emphasizes  particularly,  employs 
a  very  brief  exposure  of  a  large  card  on  which  a  number 
of  objects  are  represented.     The  pupil  must  try  to  grasp 
in  his  attention  all  the  objects  on  the  card,  and  then 
write  their  nam.es  from  memory.     A  long  series  of  such 
cards  was  carefully  worked  out,  with  a  gradually  increas- 
ing number  of  objects.     This  exercise  closely  corresponds 

• "  Les  idees  modernes  sur  les  enfants,"  1909,  pp.  i4o-i6i. 
'"Oa.  cit.   n,  iko. 


CRITICAL  ESTIMATE 


283 


to  what  the  psychologist  calls  a  test  of  the  span  of  aiLcn- 
tion.  Binet  states  that  subnormal  children  trained  on 
this  test  were  able,  with  a  five  seconds'  exposure,  to  note 
and  hold  in  mind  as  many  as  nine  objects,  long 
enough  to  return  to  their  seats  and  write  out  the  names 
— a  performajice  of  which  many  a  normal  adult  would 
be  incapable. 

Critical  Estimate  of  the  Physiological  Method. — I 
have  now  described  in  sufficient  detail  the  method  of 
education  termed  physiological  or  orthopedic.  I  have 
tried  to  make  clear  that  the  main  principle,  in  the  accounts 
of  those  who  have  done  most  to  perfect  this  method, 
is  that  education  should  deal  with  the  training  of  men- 
tal functions.  It  clearly  implies  the  existence  of  mental 
faculties  or  powers,  and  aims  directly  at  the  training  of 
these  powers. 

Whatever  the  explanation,  education  based  on  this 
principle  of  formal  exercise  of  fundamental  functions 
has  been  successful.  Its  excellence  is  shown  by  results 
with  feeble-minded  children,  from  the  time  of  Itard  down 
to  the  present.  Morgan,  who  discusses  serenely  the  train- 
ing in  backward  children  of  attention,  of  voluntary  mem- 
ory, and  so  forth,  says  that  she  gathered  her  material 
from  an  experimental  clinic  conducted  for  two  years  in 
New  York  City,  in  which  children  were  tested  for,  and 
trained  in,  the  particular  deficiency  revealed  in  them  by 
examination.  The  brilliant  results  obtained  by  Montes- 
sori  are  known  to  all  the  world.  Binet  did  not  content 
himself  with  the  testimony  of  teachers,  but  verified  their 
leports  of  success  with  subnormal  children  by  carefully 
devised  mental  ard  educational  tests.^^  Binet  became 
so  enthusiastic  as  to  believe  that  the  method  which  formed 

""Les  idi'.es  mndernes  sur  le?  enfants,"  1309,  pp.  144-146. 


284 


EDUCATIONAL  METHODS 


the  basis  of  the  orthopedic  method,  so  successful  with  the 
feeble-minded,  was  the  proper  one  to  use  with  norma' 
children;  he  even  went  so  far  as  to  declare  it  to  be  the 
only  method  of  genuine  education.^- 

The  success  of  the  method  must  be  admitted;  but  it  is 
exceedingly  doubtful  whether  its  success  is  due  to  the  fact 
that  the  exercises  it  employs  are  aimed  directly  at  the 
development  of  the  various  mental  faculties,  as  faculties, 
rather  than  at  the  imparting  of  particular  bits  of  knowl- 
edge or  special  arts.  It  is  likely  that  the  authors  of 
the  method  have  misunderstood  the  reasons  for  its  success. 
Let  us  consider,  for  example,  some  of  Montessori's  state- 
ments. She  writes  that  "  In  a  pedagogical  method  which 
is  experimental  the  education  of  the  senses  must  undoubt- 
edly assume  the  greatest  importance."  This  education  of 
the  senses,  she  says  further,  "  makes  men  observers,  and 
not  only  accomplishes  the  general  work  of  adaptation 
to  the  present  epoch  of  civilization,  but  also  prepares 
them  directly  for  practical  life."  These  remarks  are 
unsupported  by  any  known  facts.  So  far  from  being 
fundamental,  keenness  of  the  senses,  as  a  previous  chap- 
ter points  out,  plays  a  relatively  unimportant  part  now 
in  the  determination  of  intelligent  l>ehavior.  The  corre- 
lations with  intelligence  shown  by  sensory  keenness — 
that  is,  the  ability  to  make  fine  sensory  discriminations — 
are  low.  The  correlation  for  tactual  discrimination  is 
practically  zero,  and  for  weight  discrimination  appears  to 
be  negative.  No  test  of  sensory  discrimination  has  ever 
been  demonstrated  to  give  a  correlation  of  over  .50. 
Moreover,  it  should  be  understood  that  Montessori's 
methods  have  succeed"d  only  with  young  children.  No 
doubt,  among  the  large  assortment  of  genera!  rules  stated 

"  Op.  cit.,  p.  154. 


CRITICAL  ESTIMATE 


aSS 


in  Montessori's  book,  may  be  found  some  capable  of  use 
in  the  education  of  children  at  any  age;  but  the  body  and 
substance  of  the  Montessori  method  is  the  training  of 
children  between  the  ages  of  three  and  seven,  the  kinder- 
garten ages.  Now  during  these  ages,  it  is  true  that  train- 
ing in  sensory  discrimination  should  occupy  a  very  import- 
ant place.  It  should  do  so,  I  would  suggest,  simply  because 
at  these  early  ages,  the  sensory  capacities  have  reached  a 
relatively  advan-ed  stage  of  growth.  A  child  is  not  so 
far  behind  a  man  in  sensory  discrimination  as  in  the 
ability  to  concentrate  attention  or  to  reason.  In  short, 
in  devoting  attention  to  the  education  of  the  senses  of  a 
young  child,  we  are  training  him  in  the  occupations  for 
which,  at  the  time,  he  is  best  equipped. 

The  crucial  explanation  of  the  success  of  the  so-called 
physiological  or  experimental  method,  then,  is  not  the 
fact  that  it  trains  the  mental  and  physiological  functions, 
but  that  it  is  adapted  to  the  capacities  possessed  by  the 
child — that  it  exercises   the  innately  strong  capacities. 
From  this  point  of  view  it  is  easy  to  understand  the  suc- 
cess with  which  Seguin's  methods  have  met  in  the  edu- 
cation of  the  feeble-minded.     These  children,  like  the 
normal  children  trained  by  Montessori,  were  for  the  most 
part  between  the  mental  ages  of  three  and  seven.    At  these 
ages,thesensory  capacitieshavecompletedsufficient  growth 
to  be  profitably  trained.  The  capacity  to  make  movements 
is  also  well  developed.    It  is  sensory  training  and  motor 
training,  consequently,  that  loom  largest  in  education  dur- 
ing the  mental  ages  three  to  seven.   Besides  these,  there  is 
some  training  in  memory  work,  particularly  in  rote  mem- 
orizing.  The  memorizing  capacity  is  usually  good  enough 
to  justify  more  attention  to  its  exercise  than  is  custom- 

-•      =■  ■ •     i'l  •- jvl--i.iw    dgaiiicri.     ixjL-^    2iiCiiiL/iy 


t 


286 


EDUCATIONAL  METHODS 


training,  because  it  is  so  much  less  useful  than  training  in 
judgment  and  reasoning.  But  feeble-minded  and  young 
normal  children  have  little  capacity  for  judgment  and  rea- 
soning. Their  most  valuable  asset  is  rote  memory  capac- 
ity. Its  training  should,  therefore,  form  a  conspicuous 
part  in  their  education. 

Experiments  in  the  Education  of  Children  with 
Exceptional  Abilities.— It  begins  to  be  clear  that  the  study 
of  methods  successful  v^^ith  backward  and  feeble-minded 
children  may  shed  light  upon  the  general  problem  of  relat- 
ing indi\ndual  differences  in  intelligence  to  educational 
methods,  The  same  principles  apply  to  the  education  of 
exceptionally  bright  children  as  to  that  of  the  exceptionally 
dull;  f>.it  these  principles  must  be  properly  understood. 
The  most  important  is  that  the  methods  employed  must  be 
suited  to  the  child's  capacities.  These  capacities  are  by 
no  means  the  same  m  the  bright  child  as  in  the  dull  or 
backward  child.  Methods  which  would  be  ridiculous 
when  used  with  the  latter  may  bring  about  brilliant  results 
with  the  former.  Some  illustrations  of  carefully  recorded 
cases  will  make  this  clear. 

The  education  of  a  little  girl  who,  at  the  age  of 
twenty-six  months,  could  read  from  any  primer  fluently, 
and  with  better  expression  than  most  first-grade  children, 
has  recently  been  described  in  detail  by  her  father.*^ 
While  the  intelligence  quotient  of  this  youthful  prodigy 
is  not  given,  nor  that  of  one  of  her  brothers,  it  is  stated 
that  her  oldest  brother,  aged  eleven,  has  an  intelligence 
quotient  of  1.7,  the  highest  quotient  which  Terman,  who 
communicates  the  case,  has  ever  discovered  among  Cali- 
fornia children.    As  one  studies  the  methods  which  pro- 

""An  Experiment  in  Infant  Education."  Journal  of  Applied 
Psycholopy.  Vol.  II.  1018.  pp.  210-228. 


EXCEPTIONAL  ABILITIES 


aSj 


duced  such  wonderful  results,  one  cannot  help  but  realize 
thai  their  success  must  have  been  due  to  aptitudes  very 
exceptional  in  a  child  of  such  an  early  age.  Among  the 
capacities  unusually  advanced  in  growth  were  the  in- 
stinct of  curiosity,  the  powers  of  memory  and  attention, 
and  the  desire  for  approbation. 

The  following  method,  used  to  teach  the  capital  letters, 
clearly  indicates  interests  far  stronger  than  in  the  average 
child.    "  I  placed  in  her  hands  a  book,"  writes  her  father, 
"  which,  in  addition  to  a  number  of  pictures  interesting 
to  the  child  mind,  contained  capital  letters  in  flaring  type 
and  colors.     She  at  once  l^ecame  interested  in  the  pictures 
and  fell  into  the  habit  of  rushing  to  me  whenever  I  entered 
the  house,  to  have  me  show  them  to  her.     At  these  times 
I  took  her  on  my  lap.  turned  to  a  picture,  told  her  what  the 
objects  represented  were,  and  chatted  about  them  in  such 
fashion  as  seemed  most  to  arouse  her  interest.    Occasion- 
ally I  turned  suddenly  to  the  pages  of  capital  letters, 
pointed  to  one  of   them,  and  exclaimed   with   feigned 
excitement,    'Oh,  Martha!    Look!    Look!    There's  P!' 
Then,  without  giving  her  time  to  discover  the  deceit  and 
to  determine  for  herself  that  after  all  there  is  nothing 
wildly  exciting  about  the  letter  P,  I  returned  to  the  pic- 
tures and  excited  her  interest  in  the  vicissitudes  of  Tom 
the  Piper's  son,  only  to  turn  back  after  a  few  moments 
and  point  with  an  exclamation  to  another  letter.     The 
pictures  were  unquestionably  of  great  interest  to  her,  and 
as  the  references  to  the  uninteresting  capitals  were  only 
occasional  and  momentar3%  the  net  result  of  these  sessions 
was  that  she  found  the  book  as  a  whole  a  great  joy,  failed 
to  discover  the  camouflage  in  the  matter  of  the  letters, 
and  nevertheless  beramp  f.Tmilinr  vj'.th  flT-rr-. 


288 


EDUCATIONAL  METHODS 


was  nineteen  months  and  thirteen  days  old  she  was  able 
to  recognize  and  pronounce  all  of  the  capital  letters." 

Even  more  interesting  is  the  method  used  in  teaching 
the  small  letters.  "  I  drew  the  letters  carefully  on  the 
l)ack  of  business  cards,  and  kept  a  few  of  these  in  my 
pockfts.  When  she  grew  tired  of  looking  at  pictures 
I  allowed  her  to  play  with  these  cards,  of  course  calling 
her  attention  from  time  to  time  to  the  letter  on  the  back 
of  each.  She  became  interested  about  this  time  in  explor- 
ing my  coat  pockets  and  pulling  the  contents  out  of  them, 
so  I  sometimes  placed  a  few  cards  in  a  pocket  open  to 
attack,  and  allowed  her  to  pull  them  out  one  at  a  time, 
refusing  to  let  her  have  a  card  until  she  pronounced 
the  letter  on  the  one  already  pulled  out.  As  this  refusal 
constituted  an  obstacle  to  an  interesting  investigation, 
she  sensibly  surmounted  it  by  observing  the  letters  and 
pronouncing  them  in  order  to  experience  the  joy  of  delv- 
ing into  the  depths  of  the  pocket  for  a  new  card.  At 
other  times  I  varied  the  play  by  sitting  down  with  a  pack 
of  the  cards  in  my  hand  and  giving  them  to  her  one  at  a 
time  to  be  carried  by  her  across  the  room  and  delivered 
to  her  mother  or  aunt,  refusing  to  give  her  another  until 
she  told  mother  or  aunt  the  name  of  the  letter  on  each  card 
delivered.  Both  mother  and  aunt  always  displayed  a 
highly  gratifying  interest  and  astonishment  at  all  infor- 
mation so  volunteered  by  her,  and  she  doubtless  felt  that 
she  was  playing  a  very  important  role  in  an  extremely 
important  matter.  At  any  rate  she  enjoyed  the  process 
immensely  and  incidentally  learned  her  small  letters." 

The  above  methods,  it  is  true,  are  simply  ingenious 
applications  of  the  fundamental  principle  of  all  teaching, 
which  is  to  link  the  thing  which  the  child  is  to  learn  with 
activities  in  which  he  is  already  interested  and  which  he 


EXCEPTIONAL  ABILITIES 


289 


naturally  enjoys.  The  wonderful  success  of  these 
methods,  however,  can  lie  explained  only  on  the  postulate 
of  very  exceptional  capacities  on  the  part  of  the  child, 
and  the  whole  experiment  is  merely  an  illustration  of  what 
special  methods  may  accomplish  when  directed  towards 
the  training-  of  special  capacities. 

Exceptional  mental  attainments  cannot  be  produced 
by  any  educational  methods  unless  exceptional  ability  of 
some  sort  exists  in  the  child.  On  the  other  hand,  when 
superior  abilities  are  present,  no  formal  methods  need 
to  be  used.  The  main  thing  necessar>'  is  to  provide  oppor- 
tunity for  the  child  to  exercise  these  abilities  freely  and 
spontaneously.  The  child  needs  to  l:>e  studied  and  intelli- 
gently guided,  but  will  learn  naturally  and  without  fixed 
lessons  or  tedious  drill.  This  naturalness  of  learning 
when  unusual  talent  is  given  plenty  of  opportunity  for 
its  exercise  is  strikingly  illustrated  in  the  development 
of  Winifred  Sackville  Stoner,  Jr.  The  following  extracts 
are  taken  from  an  account  of  her  education  written  by 
her  mother,  when  the  child  was  twelve  years  old, 

"Winifred  has  no  set  lessons,  but  from  early  train- 
ing she  has  become  such  a  lover  of  good  literature  that 
she  would  be  most  unhappy  if  deprived  for  a  single  day 
of  converse  with  her  book  companions.  She  reads  at  least 
for  an  hour  each  day.  At  present  she  is  reading  every- 
thing she  can  find  about  Japan,  as  she  plans  to  write  a 
play  on  this  subject.  For  two  hours  she  helps  me  as 
my  secretary,  answering  letters,  and  working  on  '  The 
Natural  Educational  Manual '  and  '  Natural  Educational 
Game  Book,'  two  books  to  be  ready  in  fall.  Winifred 
and  I  will  be  joint,  authors  of  these  books,  and  another 
book  belonging  solely  to  the  kiddie,  and  which  she  calls 

*  Fnrfc     in      Tinrrl^ic  '     itrJU     !-«»     ^..Kl-'-t.-^''      t---     "n-UU.    -\  T      ..  -11 


II 


ago 


EDUCATIONAL  METHODS 


in  a  few  weeks.     Winifred  has  corrected  proof  of  this 
bool<   since  returning   from  Xew  York. 

"  She  practices  for  perhaps  an  hour  each  day  on  both 
her  vioHn  and  piano,  and  amuses  herself  playing  for 
little  colored  children  who  live  in  cabins  facing  our  reser- 
vation, playing  for  them  on  the  mandolin,  jew's-harp,  or 
orchestra  l^ells. 

"  One  or  two  afternoons  of  each  week  she  goes  to  the 
beach  to  swim,  and  on  Wednesday  evening  she  is  allowed 
to  attend  a  little  dancing  club  until  9.30  p.m. 

"  Nearly  ever>'  pleasant  Saturday  afternoon  she  goes 
with  several  friends  of  her  age  canoeing  or  Ixitanizing. 
As  you  know.  North  Carolina  is  the  home  of  some  very 
interesting  plants,  among  them  the  Venus  fly-trap,  bladder- 
wort,  pitcher-plant,  and  other  carnivorous  members  of 
the  plant  family.  Winifred  is  intensely  interested  in 
these  plants,  and  has  sent  specimens  to  a  number  of  our 
friends  in  northern  cities. 

"  Each  morning  she  plays  at  least  one  game  of  tennis 
before  breakfast,  and  after  dinner  in  the  evening  she 
and  I  play  croquet  or  take  long  walks  through  the  white 
sandy  tracts  around  our  home. 

"  At  least  fifteen  minutes  is  spent  in  the  kitchen  each 
day  gaining  knowledge  of  culinarj'  matters,  and  yesterday 
Winifred  made  a  skirt  for  herself. 

"  On  one  of  our  ui>-stairs  j>orches  I  have  a  regular 
gymnasium,  an  '  hore  every  afternoon,  when  we  are  at 
home,  we  exercise  lor  at  least  one-half  hour  before  taking 
a  shower-bath  and  rub-down. 

"  The  little  girl  has  learned  how  to  drive  an  auto- 
mobile, and  occasionally  I  let  her  drive  when  we  take 
motor-trips.  She  drives  also  her  horse  Coupon,  and  oc- 
casionally rides  horseb^ack. 


EXCEPTIONAL  ABILITIES  291 

"Winifred  has  a  canary  which  she  has  tamed  and 
taught  to  do  many  wonderful  tricks,  and  while  she  writes 
her  stories  on  the  typewriter  he  sits  on  the  carriage  of 
the  machine  and  sings  to  her.  To-morrow  she  is  to 
receive  a  monkey  and  poll-parrot  from  a  sea-captain,  and 
then  you  will  believe  that  there  will  be  no  time  for  study 
of  books,  as  the  pets  will  take  up  every  spare  moment. 

"  I  am  writing  to  you  of  these  trivial  matters  so  as 
to  paint  a  picture  of  the  simple,  happy,  full  life  Winifred 
leads  at  this  chrysalis  time  of  life,  when  no  child  must 
be  forced  to  study  or  to  play."  ^* 

Winifred  Stoner  at  six  months  could  talk ;  at  eighteen 
months,  read;  and  at  five  years,  speak  eight  languages. 
She  has  specialized  in  music,  art  and  eurhythmic  dancing. 
She  is  said  to  be  a  perfect  specimen  of  physical  health 
and  strength,  and  to  be  altogether  free  from  conceit 

There  are  a  number  of  types  of  supernormal  chil- 
dren. Some  are  merely  precocious,  that  is,  growing  at 
an  exceptionally  rapid  rate;  when  grown  up,  they  may 
not  be  especially  intelligent,  but  they  mature  early. 
Others,  who  may  grow  either  fast  or  slowly,  have  a  really 
superior  mental  endowment.  This  superiority  may  be 
quite  general,  and  apply  to  the  great  bulk  of  their  mental 
faculties.  In  other  cases,  while  the  general  level  of  the 
mental  capacities  may  be  above  normal,  only  one  or  a  very 
few  of  these  capacities  may  be  strikingly  superior.  Of 
course  no  child  is  equally  developed  in  all  of  his  capaci- 
ties. One  capacity  may  be  very  superior  while  the  others 
may  be  only  slightly  so,  or  even  mediocre.  The  superior 
capacities  of  exceptional  children  of  this  latter  type  may 
be  easily  overlooked  by  the  teacher.  Indeed,  it  is  fre- 
quently alleged  that  some  of  the  great  men  of  history, 

"Groszmann,  "The  Exceptional  Child,"  1917,  pp.  108-1 11. 


292 


EDUCATIONAL  METHODS 


who  did  poorly  in  school  work,  were  men  of  one-sided 
development,  whose  vahial)le  traits  were  not  appreciated 
by  their  school  teachers,  but  were  given  opportunity  for 
their  development  outside  of  school. 

The  education  of  children  who  show  only  a  one-sided 
exceptional  capacity  should  take  its  cue  from  their  special- 
ties. Naturally  we  should  desire  to  prevent  a  one-sided 
development,  and  to  produce  a  child  of  well-l:)alanced 
character  and  intellect.  This  cannot  be  done,  however, 
by  ignoring  the  child's  special  aptitude  and  attempting 
to  educate  him  along  lines  unrelated  to  his  specialty.  I  f  we 
tr>'  this,  we  shall  simply  find  him  a  stupid  child.  It  is 
necessary  to  make  use  of  the  special  talent,  to  use  it 
and  the  interests  related  to  it  as  a  starting  point,  as  a  base 
from  which  to  conduct  our  entire  educational  campaign, 
extending  into  all  the  fields  of  learning. 

A  ver>'  good  illustration  of  supernormal  ability,  in 
which  one  trait  in  partiailar  stood  out  above  all  others, 
is  afforded  by  one  of  the  boys  trained  in  the  laboratory 
school  of  the  National  Association  for  the  Study  and 
Education  of  Exceptional  Children  in  Plainfield,  New 
Jersey.  This  boy,  thirteen  years  of  age,  was  of  a  decid- 
edly inquisitive  type,  and  possessed  to  a  high  degree 
initiative  and  the  tendency  to  original  experimentation. 
This  highly  desirable  side  of  his  character  was  in  danger 
of  being  suppressed  by  his  teachers  because  coupled  with 
mischievous  tendencies.  He  "  built  fires  in  the  cellar 
of  his  home,  not  from  viciousness,  but  because  he  wanted 
to  see  what  would  happen.  He  played  innumerable 
pranks  on  his  schoolmates  and  teachers,  who  did  not 
understand  him,  so  that  he  was  constantly  in  mischief 
and  upset  all  discipline."  Taken  into  the  laboratory 
bcriuOi,  iiOVvcver,   "  ui:>  inqUisiUve  IciiUeiicy  wa^  made  use 


EXCEPTIONAL  ABILITIES 


293 


of  through  experimental  studies  of  all  kinds,  in  the  science 
laboratory,  in  the  workshop,  in  road  and  building  con- 
struction and  in  many  other  ways.  He  was  given  oppor- 
tunity to  apply  his  great  energy  in  numerous  outdoor 
games  and  sports,  playing  Indian,  building  wigwams, 
camp-fires,  etc.  His  book-studies  were  carefully  coordi- 
nated with  this  life  activity."  ^■'  The  effect  of  this  treat- 
ment was  to  change  his  entire  mental  and  emotional  atti- 
tude, and  after  leaving  the  lalwratory  school,  he  was 
reported  as  standing  at  the  head  of  his  classes  in  select 
private  schools. 

Sometimes  a  high  order  of  intelligence  is  accompanied 
by  defects  which  make  it  imperative  to  base  education 
upon  the  use  of  the  stronger  faculties.  A  striking 
instance  is  described  in  detail  by  Bronner.  "  We  know," 
she  writes,  "of  a  boy  now  14  years  old  whose  entire 
school  career  has  undoubtedly  been  greatly  modified  for 
the  better  because  his  intelligent  parents  understood  l)et- 
ter  than  his  teachers  the  harm  that  was  resulting  from 
the  use  of  methods  not  adapted  to  his  defective  functioning 
in  certain  mental  processes.  It  was  early  recognized 
that  the  boy  had  poor  auditory  powers  and  exceptionally 
good  visual  powers.  When  five  years  old  he  drew  a 
very  good  representation  of  the  faqade  of  an  ancient 
university  building  he  had  seen,  and  at  seven  made  a 
most  complicated  drawing  of  a  quadruple  expansion 
waterworks  engine.  Though  a  great  effort  was  made 
from  the  time  he  was  a  year  old  or  so  to  teach  him 
Mother-Goose  rhymes  and  other  couplets,  he  never  recited 
correctly  the  simplest  verse  until  he  was  six  years  old ; 
nor  has  he  ever  been  able  to  carry  a  tune  correctly  or 
sing  a  song,  in  spite  of  intensive  and  oft-repeated  attempts 

"Groszmann,  op.  cit.,  p.  121.  '~~~ 


994 


EDUCATIONAL  METHODS 


to  teach  him  simple  music.  It  is  interesting  to  note,  for 
instance,  that  '  America '  has  Ix^n  sung  and  played  to 
him  hundreds  of  times  and  even  played  by  him  without 
his  acquiring  the  ability  to  sing  it. 

"  At  five  years  of  age  this  boy  was  sent  to  a  fine  private 
school  where  the  teaching  in  the  first  grades  was  largely 
oral.     When  in  the  third  grade  he  was  placed  in  a  sul>- 
class  for  backward  children  because  he  was  so  retarded 
in  number  work.     Though  the  l)oy  made  no  progress 
in  music  nor  in  memorizing  verses,  this  was  not  inter- 
preted as  of  any  significance,  nor  was  any  effort  made 
to  utilize  his  good  visual  powers  in  place  of  his  defective 
powers  of  audition.     When,  however,  his  parents  were 
told  (by  an  unusually  competent  teacher)  that  the  boy 
was  not  learning  arithmetic  and  was  probably  defective 
in  this  type  of  work,  they  themselves  began  to  teach  him 
by  visual  presentations.     In  two  weeks  he  had  not  only 
mastered  the  work  assigned  the  grade,  but  led  his  class. 
In  the  next  two  years,  acquiring  the  power  to  learn  by 
visualization,  he  accomplished  the  ordinary  work  of  four 
school  grades.     .     .     .     His  powers  of  perceiving  logi- 
cal relationships  are  extremely  good,  and  these,  together 
with  !  is  quite  unusual  visual  gifts,  enable  him  to  maintain 
class  standings  considerably  in  advance  of  his  years."  ^^ 
The  preceding  concrete  examples  suggest  several  prac- 
tical conclusions.     One  important  point  is  that  we  must 
make  a  more  systematic  effort  to  discover  unusual  gifts 
or  unusual  abilities  about  which  to  focus  a  training  that 
w^ill  lead  to  the  most  useful  development.     Educational 
efforts  must  be  devoted  to  bringing  out  at  each  period 
of  his  life  the  best  there  is  in  the  child.    In  this  connection 


"  "  The  Psychology  of  Special  Abilities  and  Disabilities." 
pp.  :^ji.£-^J:4. 


1917, 


EXCEPTIONAL  ABILITIES 


295 


I  have  l>een  greatly  interested  in  the  veiy  successful 
experiment  being  carried  on  in  a  large  school  system  in  a 
neighlxjring  city,  with  children  of  suj)erior  brightness. 
By  means  of  intelligence  tests,  those  children  are  selected 
whose  mental  ages  indicate  that  they  ought  to  be  doing 
more  advanced  school  work.  These  children  arc  then 
given  further  mental  examinations  and  individual  study 
by  a  special  teacher,  who  aims  to  discover  their  leading 
aptitudes  and  interests,  to  create  mere  favorable  mental 
attitudes  on  the  part  of  the  children  towards  their  work 
and  their  teachers,  and  finally  to  prepare  them  for  a 
trial  in  the  higher  grades  which  accord  with  their  advanced 
mental  ages.  I  am  informed  that  the  great  majority 
of  these  children  are  now  doing  Ix^tter  work  in  the  grades 
to  which  they  have  been  advanced  than  in  the  grades 
in  which  they  were  originally  discovered. 

A  word  of  caution  must  be  added.  I  have  said  that 
a  more  systematic  effort  should  be  made  to  disc-  r 
special  abilities  and  special  interests — in  both  dull  1 
superior  children — and  that  the  training  given  childun 
should  afford  opportunity  for  the  development  of  these 
exceptional  capacities.  This  does  not  mean,  however,  that 
we  should  determine  in  which  one  of  his  mental  faculties 
a  child  is  strongest,  and  then  devise  formal  exercises  for 
the  development  of  this  faculty  to  the  exclusion  of  the 
rest.  The  ideal  is  to  train  all  his  really  valuable  capacities 
so  that  they  may  obtain  their  greatest  usefulness.  The 
development  of  intellect  and  character  must  be  as  many- 
sided  as  is  consistent  with  a  proper  balance  between  time, 
energy  and  cost  on  the  one  hand  and  the  results  that  are 
likely  to  be  achieved  on  the  other.  But  whatever  capacity 
we  are  trying  to  train  or  whatever  art  or  knowledge  we 
are  tp'in."'  to  im.part  we  sh-all  succeed  best  bv  besfinning 


agft 


EDUCATIONAL  METHODS 


where  the  child  is  strong  and  working  out  gradually  into 
regions  where  he  is  weak,  by  organizing  our  endeavors  as 
nnichas  possible  into  a  related  system  in  which  the  funda- 
mental appeal  is  to  the  child's  natural  aptitudes.  Only  in 
this  way  can  we  get  out  of  the  child  his  greatest  effort,  the 
limit  of  hard  work  and  drudgery  of  which  he  is  capable, 
and  the  development  of  a  strong  character. 

The  Training  of  Mental  Capacities. — It  remains  to 
consider  what  it  means  to  train  a  capacity.  In  general, 
it  may  l)e  said  that  training  cannot  increase  the  funda- 
mental capacities,  but  simply  teaches  the  child  to  make  the 
best  use  of  such  capacities  as  he  possesses.  This  training 
may  consist  in  the  formation  of  very  general  I  ibits,  such 
as  habits  of  concentration  of  attention  and  the  most 
eflficient  methods  of  study,  or  it  may  consist  in  specific 
information,  such  as  the  multiplication  table.  In  teaching 
the  child  the  more  general  habits,  formal  exercises  may 
be  used.  These  formal  exercises,  like  the  exercises  for 
training  the  senses,  which  are  so  prominent  in  the  physio- 
logical method,  often  seem  to  be  aime'd  at  the  develop- 
ment of  faculties  as  such.  In  reality,  however,  they  con- 
sist simply  in  drill  for  the  formation  of  habits  which  are 
useful  in  a  very  wide  range  of  situations.  To  train  a 
child's  capacities,  then,  does  not  mean  to  give  him  more 
memory,  more  attention,  or  viorc  reasoning  power,  but 
rather  to  lead  him  to  memorize  that  which  is  most  useful, 
to  attend  to  those  things  which  are  most  worth  while, 
and  to  reason  out  problems  of  ever-increasing  weight. 

Let  us  consider  somewhat  more  in  detail  the  training 
of  a  mental  capacity — fo*-  instance,  the  capacity  for  atten- 
tion. Capacity  for  attention,  like  that  of  intelligence,  is 
determined  mainly  by  heredity,  environment  before  the 


ciwC    vj  i     Cf^iiwvJi,     vli«'^     L/V 


A  .    _     — 


1 


„r 


TRAINING  OF  MENTAL  CAPACITIES        297 


the  mind,  a  general  capacity  or  faculty,  it  is  as  little  sub- 
ject to  increase  by  education  or  to  improvement  by  train- 
ing as  is  general  intelligence.^"  Therefore,  all  that  train- 
ing of  attention  really  means  is  that,  by  a  change  in  the 
conditions  under  which  attention  is  given,  and  by  a  reduc- 
tion, through  habit  and  familiarity,  of  obstacles  to  its 
application,  there  may  \ic  brought  about,  in  many  direc- 
tions, a  greater  ease  of  mental  concentration. 

Before  any  change  can  be  made  in  the  conditions 
aflfecting  attention,  one  must  ascertain  the  nature  of  these 
conditions.  There  is,  in  the  first  place,  a  considerable 
variety  of  objects  which  secure  the  attention  even  when 
that  capacity  is  very  feeble  indeed.  Among  these  are 
loud  sounds  and  bright  lights,  strong  odors  and  severe 
pressure  on  the  skin — in  short,  all  very  intense  stimuli. 
The  great  attention  value  of  intense  stimuli  is  enhanced  by 
the  factors  of  suddenness  or  novelty  and  of  movement 
or  rapid  changes  of  any  sort.  Sometimes,  too,  a  stimulus 
which  is  not  strong  enough  to  attract  attention  upon  its 
first  occurrence  will  do  so  by  dint  of  repetition.  Atten- 
tion to  such  stimuli  represents  the  earliest  stage,  known 
as  passive  or  spontaneous  attention,  and  is  said  to  be  due  to 
the  "  objective  "  conditions  of  attention. 

In  addition  to  things  which  provoke  notice  through 
the  objective  conditions,  there  are  others  which  arouse 
interest  because  of  their  relation  to  instinctive  tenden- 
cies. The  most  fundamental  instinct  is  that  of  self-preser- 
vation. It  is  partly  on  account  of  this  instinct  that 
intense,  sudden  and  changing  stimuli  have  such  a  strong 
appeal.  They  are  often  dangerous.  But  even  when  the 
object  is  not  intrinsically  of  the  sort  to  attract  attention, 

"  Wcodrow,  "  The  Measurement  of  AUcntion."     Psychological 


i! 


lU. 


iphs.  1914,  No.  76.  p.  141= 


298 


EDUCATIONAL  METHODS 


it  will  do  so  if  it  is  fitted  to  bring  out  some  instinctive 
tendency — for  example,  that  of  self-preservation.  Tliat 
this  tendency  is  recognized  and  accepted  as  an  important 
factor  in  attention  is  seen  in  its  application,  by  the  ingeni- 
ous primary  teacher,  to  reading  lessons.  The  teacher 
draws  on  the  blackboard  a  picture  of  a  house,  and  fills 
the  interior  space  with  common  words,  each  of  which 
represents  one  of  the  children  in  her  class.  She  then 
tells  the  children  that  someone  has  set  fire  to  the  building 
and  that  only  those  can  be  saved  w-hose  names  are  read. 
When  a  child  reads  a  word  it  is  erased  and  thus  in  imag- 
ination they  rescue  themselves  from  the  flames.  So  inter- 
ested do  the  children  become  in  preserving  their  "  lives,'' 
that  they  learn  unfamiliar  words  with  renew'^d  interest  and 
increased  attention.  Again,  an  object  which  may  satisfy 
hunger  will  attract  the  attention  even  of  an  idiot.  Thus 
the  savage  of  the  Aveyron,  thou;;li  insensible  to  the  loud- 
est noises — he  seemed  not  to  notice  a  pistol  shot — could 
nevertheless  hear  the  fall  of  a  nut ! 

There  are  many  other  instincts  than  that  of  self- 
preservation  which  promote  attention  to  the  objects  with 
which  they  are  concerned.  It  is  impossible  to  give  a 
complete  list  of  them,  because  their  expression  is  so  indefi- 
nite and  so  quickly  modified  by  learning.  Among  the 
more  obvious  ones  are  fear,  anger,  love  and  afi^ection, 
sociability  and  sympathy,  desire  for  approbation,  rivalry, 
fighting,  loyalty,  imitation,  all  the  numerous  forms  of 
play  and  gaming,  curiosity,  collecting  and  constructive 
tendencies,  hunting  and  roaming,  and  the  regulative 
instincts  of  morality  and  religion.^®  In  general,  when- 
ever an  interest  is  shown  naturally  by  many  children,  we 

"See  Kirkpatrick,  "Fundamentals  of  Child  Study,"  1917,  chap- 
ters  iv-xiii. 


TRAINING  OF  MENTAL  CAPACITIES 


290 


may  be  sure  that  it  is  a  tendency  at  basis  iiistinctive,  that 
is,  one  which  does  not  need  to  be  learned,  but  occurs  spon- 
taneously on  account  of  the  inherited  disposition  of  the 
nervous  system.  Each  instinct  involves  an  action,  or 
general  line  of  conduct,  of  a  sort  to  satisfy  some  want 
or  need.  It  is  a  response  made  to  some  stimulus,  some  ob- 
ject or  situation  which  attracts  attention  in  a  powerful 
manner  wnthout  any  effort  on  the  part  of  the  subject.  The 
appeal  to  the  child's  attention  exerted  by  the  primary  or 
original  excitants  of  an  instinct  is  rapidly  extended  to 
everything  in  any  way  associated  with  these  originally 
interestmg  objects,  as  well  as  to  all  the  means  for  suc- 
cessfully carrying  out  the  instinctive  activities. 

Spontaneous  attention,  caused  by  the  sheer  intensity, 
or  force,  of  the  external  stimuli  which  excite  the  senses, 
and  instinctive  attention,  brought  alxDut  by  the  direct 
appeal  to  instincts,  are  hardly  above  the  animal  level.  In 
all  normal  persons  there  develops  from  these  a  higher 
attention,  embracing  matters  only  indirectly  connected 
with  the  satisfaction  of  wants.  This  sort  of  attention  is 
called  out  when  the  child  meets  with  some  obstacle  to 
the  immediate  carrying  out  of  an  instinctive  response. 
A  problem  which  at  first  protrudes  itself  upon  his  atten- 
tion because  of  its  instinctive  interest  for  him  later 
acquires  a  new  and  higher  interest  through  the  mere  fact 
that  it  has  already  attracted  attention.  For  it  is  a  funda- 
mental law  that  a  certain  familiarity  with  an  object  or 
situation,  knowledge  about  it  or  past  experience  with  it 
makes  it  interesting  and  easy  to  attend  to.  Thus  new  inter- 
ests are  derived  from  instinctive  interests,  which  in  turn 
develop  still  others,  until  we  finally  reach  the  highest 
stage,  that  of  sustained  attention  to  abstract  problems. 

There  is  no  more  fascinating  nor  valuable  study  for 


300 


EDUCATIONAL  METHODS 


the  teacher  than  that  of  development  in  her  pupils  of  one 
interest  upon  the  basis  of  another.  She  r  ly  observe, 
for  example,  that  at  first  the  iristinctive  desire  of  appro- 
bation from  his  teacher,  as  well  as  fear  of  her,  may  lead 
a  child  to  follow  directions.  In  doing  so,  he  meets  with 
difficulties  which  hold  his  attention  simply  l^cause  the 
teacher  is  over  him,  but  which,  provided  the  tasks  imposed 
are  closely  related  to  instinctive  activities,  may  in  time 
become  interesting  of  themselves.  Through  working  with 
arithmetic  problems  bearing  ujwn  the  construction  of 
kites,  or  upon  the  playing  of  store,  the  child  may  acquire 
an  interest  in  arithmetic  for  itself,  independent  both  of 
its  conn,  tion  with  his  pasti  ..cs  and  of  his  desire  to  please 
his  teacher.  Having  acquired  an  interest  in  arithmetic 
problems,  he  may,  in  tuni  acquire  an  interest  in  the 
higher  branches  of  mathematics,  partly  l^ecause  in  them 
he  meets  with  items  with  which  he  is  already  familiar, 
and  partly  because  he  needs  these  higher  branches  in 
solving  the  arithmetical  problem  in  which  he  has  now 
become  interested. 

The  preceding  hasty  sketch  of  the  various  types  of 
conditions  which  call  out  attention  should  suggest  an 
understanding  of  what  is  involved  in  the  training  of  at- 
tention. This,  as  I  have  stated,  docs  not  mean  increasing 
the  fundamental  power,  but  merely  directing  its  appli- 
cation to  the  loftiest  and  most  profitable  tcjpics. 

In  children  of  the  lowest  level  of  brightness,  the  idiots, 
even  the  ])ower  of  spontaneous  and  instinctive  attention  is 
very  feeble.  Many  instincts  are  lacking,  the  only  one 
approaching  dependability  being  the  instinct  to  satisfy 
hunger.  Children  with  attention  of  this  sort  have  to  be 
trained,  like  animals,  through  reward  by  food.  Even 
food,  however,  will  not  hold  their  attention  for  any  length 


TRAINING  OF  MENTAL  CAPACITIES        301 


of  time;  for  at  each  distraction  their  attention  is  diverted 
from  its  original  object  and  does  not  return.  All  that 
can  be  accomplished  with  these  children  is  to  teach  them 
to  feed  themselves  and  to  ."ceep  themselves  clean;  their 
pov^'er  of  attention  is  not  great  enough  for  the  accor. 
plishment  of  more  complicated  tasks. 

In  the  higher  degrees  of  feeblc-mindedness  and  in 
dull  children,  the  power  of  attention  has  greater  strength. 
It  cannot  be  trained,  however,  for  long  occupation  with 
non-instinctive  activities.  It  is  hopeless  to  expect  these 
children  ever  to  devote  themselves  assiduously  to  book 
learning  or  to  abstract  ideas.  Their  wlucation  must  be 
prim  ily  through  play  and  games  and  limited  to  tliose 
concrete  activities — responses  to  real  objects  rather  than 
printed  symbols — in  which  the  instincts  naturally  and 
with  little  modification  manifest  themselves.  Even  under 
these  favorable  conditions,  short  periods  of  exertion,  say 
of  half  an  hour  or  an  hour,  must  be  followed  by  a  rest. 

Play,  it  is  true,  is  a  great  educational  factor  in  the 
life  of  any  child,  whatever  his  age  or  brightness.  Games 
and  playful  occupations  suited  to  children  of  every  age 
exist  in  great  number,  and  much  care  has  been  expended 
in  developing  their  educational  possibilities.  Entire 
courses  of  education  by  means  of  play-schools  have  been 
worked  out  and  put  into  successful  operation.  It  is  with 
children  of  the  lovv^er  mental  ages,  however,  that  the  use 
of  play  and  games  is  particularly  indispensable.  Their 
feeble  attentions  require  constantly  the  support  of  the 
interest  accompanying  pleasurable  activity. 

In  addition  to  definite  games,  there  are  innumerable 
playful  activities  which  have  especially  great  educational 
value.  Among  these  may  Ix;  mentioned  the  following: 
Collections  (minerals,  stamps,  coins) ;  cooking,  particu- 


302 


EDUCATIONAL  METHODS 


larly  for  girls;  drawing;  field  v/ork  (study  of  butterflies, 
birds,  fishes,  flowers  and  ferns) ;  flower  and  vegetable 
gardening;  mechanics,  such  as  the  making  and  sailing  of 
boats,  putting  together  various  kinds  of  machinery  and 
making  toys;  dancing  and  dramatics;  music  (singing, 
orchestra  and  piano);  photography;  sloyd  (basketry, 
cardboard  and  paper  work  and  wood  work)  ;  and  print- 
ing.'^ Of  all  these  activities  perhaps  none  has  such  a 
wide  appeal  as  dramatics.  The  dramatic  instinct,  whether 
expressing  itself  in  the  playing  of  Indian  or  Eskimo  or 
in  the  production  of  a  Shakesperian  tragedy,  is  a  force, 
which,  if  given  opportunity  for  its  development,  is  of 
invaluable  help  in  the  teaching  of  language,  of  manners, 
of  decoration  and  mechanical  construction  and  of  sewing 
and  costuming,  and  lastly,  in  the  implanting  of  noble 
and  influential  thoughts  which  will  inspire  and  elevate 
throughout  a  life-time. 

With  young  normal  children  and  with  dull  or  feeble- 
minded children  of  any  age,  it  is  imperative  to  make  a 
careful  forecast  of  the  maximal  attainments  of  attention, 
and  then  to  plan  out  a  method  of  linking  these  attain- 
ments as  closely  as  possible  with  the  most  free  and 
natural  expression  of  the  child's  instincts.  At  every 
stage,  it  should  be  made  certain  that  there  exists  a  strong 
appeal  to  a  natural  tendency  to  action  on  the  part  of  the 
child,  for  otherwise  he  cannot  be  expected  to  persist  in  his 
efforts  to  the  neglect  of  the  slightest  distraction.  With 
these  children,  the  difference  between  a  wise  educational 
method  and  a  foolish  one  is  that  the  former  endeavors 

"For  details  concerning  the  educational  us«  of  these  activities, 
see  Johnson,  "Education  by  Plays  and  Games."  1907.  pp.  5i-'>4-  See 
also  Hetherin.rrton.  "  The  Demonstration  Play  School  of  1913," 
IlHtfi^^sitv  o{  (^cilif 'j^Hid  Piif?l{{'{itioft.^    Fid.iirAt\ov. .  \^o!.  \^.  ^q.  2. 


TRAINING  OF  MENTAL  CAPACITIES       303 

to  lead  the  child's  attention  to  simple,  useful  occupations 
instead  of  attempting  to  direct  it  upon  book  learning. 

With  normal  children,  the  ordinary  school  subjects, 
which  have  been  selected  through  generations  of  experi- 
ence, offer  excellent  training  of  attention.  They  provide 
topics  of  interest,  of  a  gradually  increasing  complexity, 
and  as  items  of  information,  possess  a  degree  of  import- 
ance difificult  of  exaggeration.  The  main  need  here  is  a 
more  careful  consideration  of  individual  interests.  The 
most  efifect-ve  leading  of  attention  can  be  secured  only  by 
utilization  of  individual  tendencies  and  interests,  whether 
instinctive  or  acquired.  The  thing  upon  which  it  is 
desired  to  have  the  child  concentrate  must  be  connected 
with  his  individual  interests — not  simply  with  those  of 
children  as  an  abstract  class  of  beings.  In  the  words  of 
McMurry,  '  Each  study  must  be  intimately  related  to  the 
pupil — to  each  pupil,  jut  as  far  as  possible.  It  is 
expected  to  appeal  to  his  ambition  and  establish  purposes 
within  him;  to  give  him  practice  in  judging  the  relative 
values  of  facts  as  they  bear  on  these  purposes,  which 
would  be  impossible  if  he  sensed  little  value  in  the  projects 
or  purposes  themselves;  to  lead  him  likewise  to  organize 
data,  use  knowledge  frequently,  and  do  all  these  things 
largely  on  his  own  initiative  and  in  an  independent  way."  ^^ 
To  thus  vitalize  a  study  for  the  pupil  and  at  the  same 
time  to  connect  it  with  the  life  of  society  in  general, 
McMurry  reminds  us  of  the  value  of  live,  interesting 
questions.  "  The  idea  is  that  a  study  is  ideally  a  sum 
of  live  questions,  alive  both  to  the  adult  and  to  the  child ; 
and  that  a  good  course  of  study  in  any  branch  of  knowl- 

" "  The  Uniform  Curriculum  With  Uniform  Examinations." 
Journal  of  Proceedings  and  Addresses  of  the  National  Education 
Association,  1913,  p.  135. 


304  EDUCATIONAL  METHODS 

edge  is  a  sum  of  such  problems  along  one  great  line  of 
interest,  organized  in  good  sequence  and  containing  data 
enough  to  furnish  satisfactor>'  answers  to  the  problems." 
The  setting  of  interesting  questions  is  certainly  one  of  the 
most  fundamental  ways  of  securing  attention.  As  one 
high  authority  writes  in  a  discussion  of  how  to  secure 
attention,  "  Man  is  blind  to  what  does  not  correspond 
to  his  morientary  purpose."  The  purpose  may  te  aroused, 
thi.^  authority  continues,  by  a  question  asked  by  another, 
or  by  some  task  that  has  been  set,  or  problem  that  has 
been"  raised.-^  McMurry  gives  the  following  questions 
as  illustrations  of  questions  which  are  both  interesting 
to  the  pupil  and  related  to  social  life:*- 
In  Physiology  and  Hygiene: 

What  are  the  uses  of  food  in  the  body? 

How  keep  the  digestive  organs  in  health? 

How  care  for  the  teeth  ? 

How  take  care  of  the  nervous  system? 
In  Arithmetic,  in  the  early  primary  grades: 

How  read  the  street  numbers,  and  house  numbers 
about  us? 

How  use  money  for  travel  on  street  cars? 

What  quantities  of  milk  and  cream  are  commonly 
bought?    Make  out  bills  for  given  amounts. 

How  keep  score  for  the  game  of  bean  bag,  dominoes, 
etc.  ?    Make  out  such  scores. 
In  History: 

What  has  been  our  treatment  of  the  Indians ;  and  what 
seems  to  be  our  plan  in  regard  to  them  in  the  future? 

On  what  occasions  has  the  union  of  our  states  been 
threatened;  and  is  it  now  permanently  established? 

"Pillsbury,  "The  Fundamentals  of  Psychology,"  1916,  p.  254. 

~  up.    Lit.,    f.p.     135-130. 


TRAINING  OP  MENTAL  CAPACITIES        305 


In  exceptionally  bright  children,  one  may  confidently 
expect  that,  long  before  its  growth  is  completed,  the 
capacity  for  attention  will  become  sufficiently  powerful 
for  sustained  study  of  difficult  subjects.  The  natural 
curiosity  and  ambition  of  such  children  lead  them  of  their 
own  initiative  to  undertake  tasks  to  which  the  attention 
of  nonnal  children  can  scarcely  1)e  held  by  all  the  artifices 
of  the  expert  teacher.  Such  children — often  neglecting 
the  humdrum  routine  of  their  regular  classes — follow 
out  elaborate  courses  of  study  in  foreign  history,  in  litera- 
ture, in  mechanical  construction  and  in  the  scientific  study 
of  plants  and  animals  and  of  rocks.  With  these  children, 
then,  above  all  others,  pains  should  be  taken  to  encourage 
the  use  of  initiative — that  great  quality  upon  which  de- 
pends true  leadership,  research  and  discovery,  and  conse- 
quently the  progress  of  humanity  at  large. 

Especial  care  should  be  taken,  also,  to  develop  the 
sense  of  duty  and  of  responsibility  to  others.     One  of  the 
most  cr>'ing  needs  of  society  to-day  is  that  the  possessors 
of  superior  intellects  should  enlist  in  public  service  instead 
of  engaging  solely  in   their  ov.n   selfish  advancement. 
Not  only  in  superior  children,  but  in  all  children,  to  incul- 
cate a  sense  of  the  individual's  duty  to  society,  to  impart 
those  ideals  and  habits  which  characterize  the  desirable 
citizen,  should  be  a  fundamental  aim  of  education.    But 
this  development  of  the  social  sense  is  particularly  import- 
ant in  the  exceptionally  bright  child.     He  is  the  one 
who,  when  grown  up,  will  have  by  far  the  greatest  surplus 
of  ability  beyond  the  needs  of  his  own  support,  the  one 
who  will  be  best  able  to  serve  society;  and  yet.  just  be- 
cause of  the  ease  of  his  success,  he  is  the  one  in  whom 
the  sense  of  duty  and  responsibility  is  least  Hkely  to  be 
fi^,,(^]^_r^_i^A  Viir  fi-ifi  r\v(]\v.^.T\'  school  cumcUiUni, 


3o6 


EDUCATIONAL  METHODS 


That  the  appeal  of  social  service  is  capable  of  exercis- 
ing a  powerful  influence  on  children  of  superior  ability  is 
vividly  illustrated  by  an  instance  that  came  to  my  notice 
while  carrying  on  an  investigation  in  one  of  the  Minnea- 
polis public  school  classes.  There  was  one  boy  in  this 
class  who  had  been  advanced  from  the  preceding  grade 
because  of  a  superior  intelligence  quotient.  He  had  done 
only  average  work  in  his  old  grade,  and  when  promoted, 
promptly  settled  down  to  the  same  mediocre  position  in 
the  more  advanced  grade.  One  day,  after  recess,  this 
boy  came  in  and  found  the  children  who  sat  in  the  same 
row  of  desks  as  he  did  complaining  to  the  teacher  be- 
cause their  row  didn't  get  more  of  the  stars  given  as 
rew^ards.  The  teacher  turned  to  the  boy  as  he  came  in, 
and  said,  "  Do  you  know  what  they  are  saying  about 
you?"  When  he  replied  with  surprise  in  the  negative, 
the  teacher  explained  that  the  other  children  were  blam- 
ing him,  claiming  they  didn't  get  the  stars  because  he 
wouldn't  work.  The  other  children  joined  in  a  chorus, 
"  It's  all  your  fault."  The  boy  turned  perfectly  white; 
it  was  clear  that  he  was  strongly  affected.  Before  this 
time,  he  had  not  wanted  to  succeed;  but  henceforth 
he  felt  that  he  was  working  for  the  group  and  not  for 
himself;  and  under  this  new  stimulus  he  secured  almost 
uniformly  a  grade  of  one  hundred  per  cent.,  and  at  the 
end  of  the  year  ranked  at  the  top  of  his  class.  This 
incident  illustrates  the  effectiveness  of  social  pressure  as 
an  incentive  to  persistent  attention  and  work. 

The  principles  of  education  of  attention  apply  to  the 
education  of  other  mental  capacities.  The  aim  is  not  to 
increase  the  amount  of  any  capacity,  but  to  lead  the  child 
to  make  the  best  possible  use  of  it.    In  regard  to  memory, 


William 


No 


TRAINING  OF  MENTAL  CAPACITIES        307 


amount  of  culture,"  he  wrote,  "  would  seem  capable  of 
modifying   a   man's   general    retentiveness.     This    is    a 
physiological  quality,  given  once  for  all  with  his  organi- 
zation, and  which  he  can  never  hope  to  change."  "    "  All 
improvement  of  memory  consists,  then,  in  the  improve- 
ment of  one's  habitual  methods  of  recording  facts."  ^^ 
It  is  true  that  the  observations  on  which  James  based  his 
conclusions  were  faulty.    He  conducted  experiments  indi- 
cating that  practice  in  memorizing  one  kind  of  material 
does  not  improve  one's  speed  in  memorizing  material  of  a 
different  sort.     They  have  since  been  repeated  under  more 
exact  conditions,  and  it  is  to-day  well  established  that 
practice  with  one  kind  of  material  aids  in  the  memorizing 
of  all  kinds  of  material  in  any  way  similar  to  that  used 
in  practice.    But  this  transference  of  training  is  due  to  an 
acquisition  of  correct  technique  of  memorizing,  or  else 
to  identical  elements  in  the  different  kinds  of  material; 
and  while  improvement  in  the  technique  of  study  is  highly 
valuable,  it  consists  in  a  formation  of  habits  which  is 
within  the  capacity  of  persons  of  either  good  or  bad  mem- 
ory, aiid  whicli  aid  rather  tlian  increase  this  capacity. 

The  education  of  powers  of  judgment  and  reason 
is  bound  up  with  that  of  memory  and  attention.  The 
child  may  be  taught  the  technique  of  reasoning  and  led 
to  apply  his  powers  in  this  respect  to  problems  lying 
in  many  useful  fields  of  human  endeavor.  He  may  be 
encouraged  to  exercise  his  powers,  and  given  the  chance 
to  acquire  the  knowledge  upon  which  the  success  of  their 
exercise  is  dependent.  The  first  stage  in  the  training 
of  reasoning  plainly  is  the  provision  of  a  vide  experience 
extending  beyond  the  class-room  and  embracing  first-hand 

""  Principles  of  Psychology,"  Vol.  I,  1890,  p.  663. 


I 


np 


f^-r 


3o8 


EDUCATIONAL  METHODS 


observation,  so  that  the  child  nuy  acquire  a  considerable 
knowledge  of  facts;  for  one  cannot  reason  without  facts. 
In  higher  stages,  the  child's  attention  may  be  directed  to 
problems  which  lie  in  those  fields  of  his  own  experience 
most  likely  to  prove  of  value  in  later  years.  Here  he 
requires  help  and  encouragement,  particularly  in  the  mat- 
ter of  learning  to  test  the  correctness  of  his  solutions 
by  experiment. 

The  capacity  for  emotion  is  clearly  either  strong  or 
weak  in  spite  of  education.  No  education  can  make 
a  phlegmatic  person  emotional  nor  an  emotional  per- 
son phlegmatic.  The  educational  problem  is  to  effect 
an  association  of  the  individual's  natural  emotional 
responses  with  the  right  situations.  We  cannot  change 
the  amount  of  elation  of  a  child  at  success,  but  we  can 
constrain  him  to  give  vent  to  this  emotion  only  at 
the  right  kind  of  success.  We  can  create  new  desires 
and  destroy  old  fears.  The  proper  treatment  of  fears 
and  desires,  said  to  be  the  two  greatest  motive  forces 
of  mankind,  is  one  of  the  most  difficult  and  misunder- 
stood, and,  at  the  same  time,  one  of  the  most  fundamental, 
of  all  the  problems  of  teaching.  The  emotion  of  fear  in  a 
child  may  be  so  strong  and  so  easily  aroused  that  it  will 
completely  stultify  his  mental  development.  A  remark- 
able case  has  recently  been  described  by  Witmer,  a  pioneer 
in  the  psychological  study  of  subnormal  children,  and  an 
expert  in  their  training,  in  which,  apparently,  a  state  not 
far  from  feeble-mindedness  was  due  primarily  to  excessive 
fears,  leading  to  an  ostrich-like  inattention  to  every  new 
thing  or  person.  Once  these  fears  were  overcome,  the 
development  of  the  child's  decided  positive  abilities  pro- 
ceeded with  amazing  rapidity.^' 

*"What  1  iJid  With  Don,"  Ladies'  Home  Journal,  April, 
1919,  P-  SI. 


TRAINING  OF  MENTAL  CAPACITIES        309 

Education  must  accept  the  capacities  of  a  child  as  it 
finds  them,  and,  by  affording  them  every  exercise  possible, 
make  them  fit  to  render  their  greatest  service.  This 
does  not  necessarily  mean  that  there  is  no  value  in  formal 
exercises  designed  to  develop  this  or  that  mental  function. 
Memory  lessons,  attention  lessons,  and  reasoning  lesions 
have  their  use.  They  provide  a  mental  technique,  methods 
of  mental  procedure,  which  may  provu  useful  in  an  end- 
less variety  of  situations.  Very  likely  it  would  l^  wise 
to  provide  formal  "  reasoning  training  "  for  exception- 
ally bright  children  at  the  higher  mental  ages,  just  as  we 
provide  sensory  and  motor  training  for  children  of  the 
lower  mental  ages.  Such  exercises  could  be  patterned 
after  the  tests  I  have  described  in  a  previous  chapter 
as  tests  of  logical-mindedness — tests  involving  the  ability 
to  pick  out  from  a  numlier  of  reasons  the  best  one  in  sup- 
port of  a  given  statement,  or  to  select  the  best  conclusion 
from  a  number  given  as  following  certain  specified  prem- 
ises; tests  requiring  the  formation  of  a  principle;  tests  of 
analysis  and  synthesis,  involving  the  process  of  pointing 
out  likenesses  and  differences,  and  exercises  in  the  formu- 
lation of  definitions  and  the  recognition  of  absurdities. 
The  possible  value  of  reasoning  lessons,  imagination 
lessons,  morality  lessons,  and  so  on,  needs  further  study. 
Such  lessons  might  form  a  valuable  supplement  to  read- 
ing lessons,  history  lessons  and  arithmetic  lessons. 

By  adapting  our  methods  to  the  capacities  of  the  child, 
by  basing  education  upon  an  inventory  of  these  capacities, 
we  immediately  become  aware  of  numerous  consequences 
of  the  greatest  aid  to  our  educational  efforts.  We  find 
that  we  are  providing  exercises  in  which  the  child  shows 
interest;  that  we  are  asking  him  to  do  things  which  he 


I 


i 


3XO 


EDUCATIONAL  METHODS 


ences  the  best  success  of  which  he  is  capable ;  that,  l^ecause 
the  appeal  is  to  his  natural  interests,  the  child  is  willing  to 
persist  in  his  efforts  in  spite  of  fatigue  and  hardship.  Of 
course,  the  teacher  is  never  relieved  from  the  necessity  of 
broadening  the  child's  interests,  by  associating  them  with 
allied  interest? ;  nor  from  the  necessity  of  the  judicial  use 
of  all  the  incentives  to  work  which  she  commands,  whether 
these  l)e  such  natural  ones  as  rivalry,  curiosity  and  the  in- 
herent rewards  of  success,  or  such  artificial  ones  as  prizes 
and  special  privileges ;  but  she  will  find  that  she  is  working 
with  the  child  instead  of  against  him.  Spontaneity  and 
enthusiasm  will  be  displayed  by  the  pupil,  so  that  the 
teacher  may  be  transformed  from  a  tiresome  drillmaster 
into  a  guide  to  the  child's  best  development. 

From  the  point  of  view  of  society,  each  child  will  be 
trained  to  his  maximal  usefulness,  and  prepared  to  fit 
into  his  proper  place  in  the  social  organization.  Social 
solidarity,  the  subordination  of  the  individual  to  society, 
is  not  to  be  attained  by  attempting  to  make  everyone  alike. 
The  unity  of  society  is.  and  must  be.  that  of  a  complex 
structure,  not  that  of  a  sand-like,  homoge-cc  mas?. 
Consequently,  by  adapting  our  educational  methods  in  the 
case  of  each  child  to  his  capacity  for  serving  society, 
we  pursue  the  course  best  calculated  to  preserve  the  integ- 
rity of  the  social  organism,  and  at  the  same  time  best 
designed  to  develop  that  spirit  of  which  democracies 
are  so  justly  proud,  the  spirit  of  individual  initiative 
and  resourcefulness. 


INDEX  OF  A.UTHORS 


Abclson,  A.  R.,  158.  2.  ) 

Andorsfin,  H.  M.,  58 

Anderson,  M.  L.,  280 

Aristotle,  214 

Ashhy,  H.,  241 

A>Tes,  L.  P.,  82,  95,  125,  131,  134 

B:vA^cy,  \V.  C,  168 

Baldwin,  0.  T.,  iiR 

Bean,  R.  B.,  iix>,  in,  115 

Hoik,  A.  K.,  loi 

Billet,  A.,  22,  149.  iSS,  I'M.  210, 

282,  283 
BolxTtag,  (X,  46 
Bolton,  J.  S.,  65,  77 
Bonser  '  ,  178,  193.  265 

Bosbau, 
Bridges,  J.  \V., 
Bronncr,  A.  F.,  2 
Brown,  Wm.,  183 
Brugmans,  H.  J.  T.  W.,  230 
Burt,  C,  153.  184,  I"'?.  189,  226 

Cajal,  Ramon  Y.,  63 

Carcv,  N.,  158,  165,  184,  230 

Carman,  A.,  158 

Carr,  H.  VV.,  19S 

Cattell,  J.  iMcK.,  20,  21,  253 

Chapman,  J.  C,  142 
Clouston,  T.  S.,  93 

Color.  L.  E.,  58 
Colvin,  S.  S.,  168 
Consoni,  F.,  149 
Cornell,  W.  S.,  87,  91 
Crampton,  C.  W.,  100,  116 


Dessnir,  M.,  215 
Doll,  E.  A.,  44 
Down,  J.  J,.,  25 
Drummond,  W.  B.,  86 
Duncan,  P.  M.,  25 

Earle,  E.  L.,  238 
Ebbinghaus,  H.,   149 
Eldcrton,  E.  M.,  237 
Esquirol,  25 

Femald,  G.  G.,  203 
Fletcher,  O.  O.,  216 

Gall,  217 

Gallon,  F.,  9,  10,  19,  20,  240,  247 

Gilbert,  J.  A.,  21 

Gillette,  A.  G.,  133 

Goddard,  H.  H.,  26,  29,  118,  242, 

260,  266 
Groszmann,  M.,  266,  291,  293 
Gulick,  L  ■'T  ,.-^5 

Hammarberg,  J.,  75 
Hardwick,  R.  S.,  29 
Hart,  B.,  223,  228 
Heetcr,  S,  L.,  133 
Kenri,  V.,  22 
Ketherington,  C.  W.,  302 
Heymans,  G.,  230 
Hoffmann,  A.,  58 
Holmes,  W.  H.,  2f  ) 


Itard,  276,  277 


ill 


312 


INDEX  OF  AUTHORS 


Jackson,  J.  M.,  105,  ic6 
James,  Wm.,  306 
Juhnsun,  G.  E.,  184,  302 
Jung,  C.  G.,  171 

Kellcy,  R.  L.,  21 

King,  I.,  229 

Kirkpatrick,  E.  A.,  89,  147,  298 

Komhauser,  A.  \V.,  59 

Kraepdin,  E.,  20 

Krneger,  P.,  154 

Kuhlmann,F.,29,49, 1 93-195 

I>apage,  C.  P.,  92,  95 

Linnaeus,  45 

Loewcnfeld,  L.,  248 

I  well,  F.,  40,  135,  163,  173,  174, 

194 
Lurton,  F.  E.,  127,  133 

Macnamara,  N.  C,  198 
Marsliall,  H.  R.,  198 
McCall,  \V.  A.,  164,  229 
McDougall,  Wm.,  161,  198 
AIcMurr>',  C.  A.,  303,  304 
Merrill,  M.,  261 
Meumann,  E.,  165 
Miklas,  L.,  93 
Millard,  W.,  25 
Miner,  J.  B.,  53 
Mitchell,  D.,  260 
Monroe,  W.  S.,  142 
Montesscri,  M.,  278,  283,  284 
Moore,  A.,  272 
Morgan,  B.  S.,  281,  283 
Morgan,  C.  L.,  198 
Myers,  C.  S.,  161,  198 

Norsworthy,  N.,  53,  179 


OrdalJ,  E.  O.,  89 
Ordahl,  G.,  89 

Paterson,  D.  G.,  53 
Pearson,  K.,  237,  239 
Pflaunder,  M.,  69 
Pillsbury,  W,  B.,  227,  304 
Pinel,  276 
Pintncr,  R.,  53 
Porteous,  S.  D.,  56 
Porter,  W.  T.,  117 
Pr>or,  J.  W.,  loi,  1 10,  III 
Punnet  t,  R.  C,  244 
Pyle,  W.  H.,  178 

Rogers,  A.  €.,  24 
Romer,  F.,  176,  177 
Roich,  T.  M.,  loi,  115,  120 
Rush,  G.  P.  142 
Rusk,  R.  R.,  167 

Scammon,  R.,  66 

Schiner,  H.,  93 

Schlossmann,  A.,  69 

Schuster,  E.,  237 

S^guin,  E.,  277,  278 

Severson,  S.  O.,  109,  115 

Sherlock,  E,  B.,  169 

Simon,  T.,  158,  210 

Simpson,  B.  R.,  178 

Smith,  M.  K.,  8 " 

Sollier,  P..  149,  ^^y 

Spearman,  C.,  154,  222,  223,   228 

Spitr.k-a,  E.  A.,  74 

Squire,  C.  R.,  179 

Starch,  D.,  142 

Stem,  W.,  149,  264 

Stoner,  W.  S.,  289 

Stout,  G.  F.,  198 


INDEX  OF  AUTHORS 


313 


Strayer,  G.  D.,  125,  127,  131  ^^'^rd,  L.  F.,  257 

Strong,  E.  K.,  56  Watson,  G.  A.,  65,  66,  72 

Swift,  E.  J.,  158  Whipple,  G.  M.,  164,  178 

Wissler,  C,  21,  221 

Terman.   L.   M..   29,   4*;.    ■;«.  60.  Witmer,  L.,  84,  308 

120  Woodrow,  II.,  37, 40,  133. 135. 173. 
Thomdike,   E.  L.,  154.  2I3,  ^14.  I74,  i87,  I94.  228,  230,  297 

216,  230,  240  Wooas,  F.  A.,  238,  247 

Trabue,  M.  R.,  179,  i°o  Wundt,  W.,  149,  189 

Tredgold,  A,  F.,  79.  196.  241,  280  Wylie,  A.  R.  T.,  118,  169,  198 


WalUn,  J.  E.  W..  265 


Yerkes.  R.  M.,  29,  58 


IN  )EX  OF  SUBJECTS 


Abbie,  11/ 

Absence,  from  school,  136,  14,^ 
Absurdities,  recognition  of,  195 
Achievement — capacity,      test, 

203 
Acuity,  visual,  of  school-children, 

85 

measurement  of,  84/ 

Adenoids,  82,  84,  88,  90/ 
Administration, educational,  I43#- 

258/ 
of  medical  inspection,  96 
Advancement,  pedagogical,   127/ 
After-care,  of  feeble-minded  pupils, 

273/ 

Age,  anatomical,  97# 

educational  value  of,  118/ 
indices  of,  locff 
meaning  of,  99 
mental  ability  and,  112/ 
school  grade  and,  115 
sex  difTerences  in,  no/.,  121 
variability  in,  106^ 
chronological,  26,  97 
mental,  24/,  97 
concept  of,  25/,  30 
distinction  from  brightness,  41 
m.easurcment  of,  26/ 
in  adults,  52 
in  business  men,  51 
year  of  as  unit,  46Jf 
pedagogical,  I2,\^ 
brightness  and,  125 
definition  of,  124 
two  meanings  of,  100 


Age<;,  \ari(.us,  of  child,  97 
Amentia,  meaning  of,  45 
Analysis,  test  of,  195 
Areas,  cortical,  219 
Army,  U.  S.,  tests  for,  39 
AsexuaUzation,  273 
Associates,  paired,  method  of,  182 
Association,  analysis  of,  172,  I77 
controlled,  I77# 
fre->,  171/ 

intelligence  and,  176/ 
law  of,  172 
mental,  171/ 
AtomJsm,  psychological,  213/ 
Attendance,  school,  136,  143 
Attention,   and   intelligence,    149. 
189,  196,  226/.,  230 
conditions  of,  297/ 
definition  of,  185 
degrees  of,  185 
in  children,  301/ 
in  idiots,  300/ 
measurement  of,  186/ 
motor  accompaniment?  of,  185 
training  of,  282,  296/ 
Automatism,  208,  211/ 
A\eyron,  savage  of  the,  275/,  298 

Backwardness,  54 

Behavior,  inteUigent,  and  mind, 

147/ 
meaning  of,  147 
Biometrics,  and  heredit^•,  234/ 
Bones,  cuneiform,  no,  112 
forearm,  104 

315 


3i6 


INDEX  OF  SUBJECTS 


Bonos,  hand,  105 

intei'.igcnce  and,  115^ 

pisiioim,  109/,  112 

wrist.  103/ 
Brain,  61  ff 

action,  217/,  227/ 

body  and,  81,  117 

intelligence  and,  G2JJ 
Br    lau,  57 

Brightness,  age  at   which  deter- 
mined, 70 

degrees  of,  45/,  54 

exceptional   cases  of,    9/,    35/, 
248^^,  286/,  306 

meaning  of,  41 
Byron,  36 


Cambridge,  scliools  of,  267 
Cancellation,  test  of,  163/ 
Capacities,   age  at   which  deter- 
mined, 252,  256 

sensory,  i54jf 

training  of,  279/,  296jf 
Cells,  brain,  63/,  7i.'77Jf 
Census,  of  feeble-minded,  274 

school,  144 
Character,  38,  138,  197,  264,  292 
Classes,  auxiliary,  259,  268,  270/ 

furthering,  267Jf 

special,  142/ 

ungraded,  270^ 
Classification,    of   brightness   de- 
grees, 54 

of  children,  42,^ 
Commission,    Royal,    on    feeble- 
minded, 43 
Completion,  tests  of,  179/ 


Correction,  of  physical  defect 
Correlation,  meaning  of,  152^ 

r.r^gative,  159/ 
Cortex,  brain,  63^ 

brightness  and,  94 

children's,  72 

idiots',  79 

vertebrates',    63// 
Courses,  parallel,  143 

physical  culture,  144 
Courts,  juvenile,  38,  172 
Criminality,  38,  91 
Curriciilum,  simplified,  141,  269 

Deafness,  88 
Defects,  age  and,  82 

intelligence  and,  82jf 

physical,  81^ 

scholarship  and,  134 
Defining,  tests  of,  I93if 
Degeneracy  (see  ytigmata) 
Dentition,  loijf  (see  Teeth) 
Detraction,  187 
Development,  prediction  of,  118 

rapidity  of,  113 
Diagnosis,  mental,  16,  38/,  60,  93, 

113,  118,  260 
Differences,  individual,    13,   47/, 

258/ 
prediction  of,  108 
racial,  56,  103,  159/ 
sex,  31,  103,  no/,  121,  134 
social,  57jf 
Disabilities,  special  mental,  293 
Discrimination,  sensory,  I5ijf 
intelligence  and,  I54jf 
racial  differences  in,  I59# 
tests  of,  151/ 
training  in,  279/,  284 
Diseases,  communicable,  95 


INDEX  OF  SUBJECTS 


317 


Distraction,  187,  301 
Distribution,  age  and  grade,  128/ 

of  intelligence  quotients,  53/ 

of  mental  ages,  31/ 

normal,  32 
Docility,  21 1 
Dotting,  test  of,  187/ 
Dramatics,  302 
Dullards,  11,  36 
Dullness,  definition  of,  42,  54 

education  and,  259/,  266/ 
Duty,  training  sense  of,  305 

Education,  139/,  146 

for    bright     and     dull,    258/, 
266/ 
Edwards,  Richard,  descendants  of, 

249/ 
Efficiency,  factors  of,  2291^ 

Elimination,   127,   131/ 

Eminence,  inheritance  of,  247/ 

Emotions,  138 

abnormalities  of,  201 

training  of,  308 
Energy,  cortical,  227/ 
Entrance,  school,  age  of,  123 
Environment,  232^ 

Binet  tests  and,  36/ 

growth  and,  255/ 

mentality  and,  239.  240,  242, 

251/ 
normaUty  of,  233/ 

Epiphyses,  105,  106,  1 10,  112 

Ergography,  204/ 

Evolution,  of  brain,  80 
of  intelligence,  160 

Examination,  medical  (see  Inspec- 
tion) 


Expedition,    Cambridge    Anthro- 
pological, i6ojf 
Eye-color,  inheritance  of,  235 
Eye-glassos  (see  SpecUcles) 
Eye-strain,  87 

Factors,  specific  mental,  224/ 

general  mental,  226/ 

intermediate  mental,  229/ 
Faculties,  mental,  215,  296 

physiological  method  and,  278 

training  of,  309 
Failure,  126,  140,  145 

causes  of,  33,  133/ 
Fame,  Hall  of,  248 
Families,      feeble-minded,      243/, 

245/ 
Far-sightedness,  86f 

Fear,   308 

Fecble-mindedness,  definition  of, 

43#,  53/ 

elimmation  of,  272jf 

importance  of,  15 

social  aspects  of,  43/ 
Feelings,  168/ 
Forecasting  fsee  Predicting) 
Freshman,  Columbia  tests  of,  20 

Minnesota  tests  of,  39 
Frequencies,  association,  I73# 

Galton,  as  child,  9/ 

Games,  301/ 

Genius,  cases  of,  10,  36,  286/ 

inheritance  of,  247,  248/ 

opportunity  and,  257 
Glands,  82,  90 
Goldsmith,  36 

Grades,  of  brightness,  42/,  54 
Grading,  of  children,  142 


3i8 


INDEX  OF  SUBJECTS 


Groups,  rests  of,  40 
Gro\v1,h,  a^i-'  limit  of,  50 

brain,  in  children,  bi'ff 

education  and,  254/ 

environment  ami,  255 

heredity  and,  252 

learning  and,  37,  70 

mental,    .18 

skeletal,  106 

Headaches,  87 
HearinK',  S2,  83 

of  savages,  162 

tests  of,  8y,  95 
IleiKht,  117/ 
Heredity,  232/ 

education  am!,  253,  254ir 

growth  and,  252 

importance  of,  251^ 

methods  of  investigating,  254/ 
Histories,  family   (sec  Pedigrees) 
History,  of  m  natal  measurement, 

19/ 
Home,  mental  effects  of,  239,  240 

Hy^lrocephalus,   74 

Idiocy,  43,  44.  54,  O^ 
Illiteracy,    256 
Imager>',  165/ 

intelli^'cnce  and,  167 

tests  of,  166 

thought  and,  167 
Imagination,  training  of,  382 
Imbecility,  43,  44.  54.  9^ 
Impulsiveness,    211/ 
Indices,  of  anatomical  age,  100/ 
Individuals   (see  Differences) 
Inefficiency,  social,  44 
Inheritance,  mental,  237]?" 


Inheritance,  physical,  236,  238 
Insanity,  as  cause  of  feeble-mind- 

edness,  242 
Insi)cction,  medical,    94/,    1 18/, 
144 

relation  of,  to  teacher,  96 
Instincts,    i')7if 

attention  and,  297/ 

in  feeble-minded,  198^ 

intelligence  and,   1  )7ff 

sexual,  200,  212 

social,  306 
Institutions,     for     fccble-min<led, 

272/ 
Instruction,  by  subjects,  142 
Intelligence,  dcfmition  of,  36,  37, 
41,  51,  148,  213,229 

errors  in  measurement  of,  55 

estimates  of,  156/ 

measurement  of,  19^,  55 

mind  and,  147^ 

organization  of,  213/f 

relations  of,  14/ 

science  of,  16 

success  in  school   and,  33^,  137 

value  of  knowledge  of,  17,  295 
Interests,  299/,  303 
Interrelationships,  mental,  150, 

213/ 
Intuition,  191 

Kallilcik,  Martin,  descendants  of, 

245if 
Knowledge,  acquisition  of,  37,  51 

needed  by  schools,  257 

Language,  school  success  and,  135 
tests  of,  179/ 


! 


INDEX  OF  SUBJECTS 


319 


Layers,  cortical,  63/ 

pyramidal ,  63/,  72 
Learning,  brum   -hanijfs  and,  71/ 

growth  and,  70 

measuremert  cf  memory  by,  183 

mental  age  and,  37 
Letters,  teaching  of,  287/ 
Levels,  intelligence,  113 
Localization,  of  brain  functions, 

2l8jf 
Lock-Step,  128,  142 
IvOgical-mindeflness,   I93# 

Malnutrition,    106 
Mannheim,  schools  of,  267/ 
Marriage,  law-;  against,  274 
Matings,   of  feeble-minded,   242if 

Maturity,    55 
Median,   definition   of,  30 
Memory,  180/ 
as  a  capacity,  230 
association  and,  180/ 
in  feeble-minded,  184 
intelligence  and,  183/ 
other  mental  processes  and,  1S5 
tests  of,  180/ 
training  of,  281,  286,  :o6/ 
Mendelisra,  244 
Mentality  (see  Age,  mental) 
Methods,  educational,  275/ 
physiological,  277/ 
criticism  of,  283^ 
Microcephalus,    79 
Mind,  body  and,  61/ 

intelligence  and,  147/ 
Moron,  definition  of,  44/,  54 
Movements,  training  of,  280/,  282 
Multifactorism,  theory  of,  229if 


Multifocalism,  theory  of,  215,  220 
Musicians,  childhood  of,  10 

Nationality,  and  Sil.tlarhhip,  135 
Near-sightedntss,  hOf 
Neglect,  parental,  96 
Negroes,  intelligence  of,  56 
Neurones,  63^,  71 

functioning  of,  227/ 
Non-focalism,  theory  oi,  213/,  2Ji 
Normality,  anatomical,  119 
frequency  of,  54 
mheritancc  cf,  247 
of  school  grade,  123/,  129 
Nurse,  school,  96 
Nutrition,   and    mental   capacity, 

240 
Occupations,    for    feeble-minded, 

260,   261 
Opposites,     177/ 

and  intelligence,  178 
Organization,  educational,  258/ 
of  associations,  177 
mental, 

and  correlations,  220/ 
three  theories  of,  214/,  220 
Orthopedics,  mentrJ,  282 
Ossification,  carpal,   103^ 

mental  development  and,  115^ 
sex  differences  in,  112 
varlaV.ii  /  in,  109/ 
0\'erstrain,    119/ 

Pain,  sensitivity  to,  and  intelli- 
gence, 158 

Palate,  90,  93 

Papuans,  senses  of,  161 

Parallelism,  of  school  courses,  I43 
psychophysical,  61 


320 


INDEX  OF  SUBJECTS 


Pedigrees,  for  study  of  heredity, 

234jf 

of  feeble-minded,  241/,  245^ 

of  superior  intclligcncLS,  247^ 
Perception,  162^ 

intelligence  and,  164 

tests  of,  163/ 
Perseveration,    176 
Persistence,  of  will,  202 ff 

tests  of,  202Jj 
Personality,  in  intelligence  testers, 

39 

Phrenology,    2 1 7 
Play,  301/ 

Pleasantness  (sec  Feelings) 
Population,  and   grade    distribu- 
tion, 129 
Porto  Rico,  135 
Predicting,  dev.lopment,  1 18 

individual  di.  .  rences,  108 

mental  age,  49/,  52 

occupation,  260 
Prodigies,  juvenile,  9/,  36,  286/ 
Prognosis  (see  Predicting) 
Progress,  rates  of,  258/,  267jf 
Promotion,  by  subjects,  142 

mental  age  and,  34 

special,  35,  295 
Psychology,  experimental,  278/ 
Pubescence,  107 

scholarship  and,  116 

variability  in,  108/ 

Questions,  as  aid  to  attention,  303/ 
Quotients, 

intelligence,  48jf 

constancy  of,  49 

definition  of,  49 

significance  of,  55 

use  of,  52/ 


Quotients,  intelligence,  variability 
in,  35 

R.,  Louis,  35 
Races  (see  Differences) 
Radiographs,  103,  no,  112 
Reactions,  time  of,  21 
Reasoning,   \()off 
definition  of,  190 
intelligence  and,  150,  191 
tests  of,  I93jr. 
training  of,  307/,  309 
Reliability,    of    measurements   of 

intelligence,    55 
Reproduction,  by  mcmor>-,  181 
Retardation, 

pedagogical,  124^ 
by  grades,  126/,  132 
causes  of,  I33#,  I39# 
extent  of,  125/ 
in  Minnesota,  127,  133,  135 
increase  in,  with  age,  138 
invisible,  145 
remedies  for,  139^ 
years  of,  126 
mental,  increase  in,  with  age,  46 
meaning  of  year  of,  46^ 
Retention,  measurement  of,  183 
Revisions,  of  Binet  scale,  29/,  40 
Rontgenographs,  (seeRadiographs) 
Royalty,  heredity  in,  238 

Scale, 

Binet,  27,  28 
accuracy  of,  30 
criticism  of,  36jf 
popularity  of,  24 
revisions  of,  29^,  40 
success  of,  23/ 


INDEX  OF  SUBJECTS 


321 


Senses  (see  Discrimination,  Vision, 

Heanng) 
Sensitivity  (see  Discrimination ; 
Sex,  and  school  success,  134 

(see    Difiercnccs) 
Sbeaths,  of  nerve  fibres,  71 
Siblings,   resemblances  in,  237/ 
Simplification  (sec  Curriculum) 
Solidarity,  social,  310 
Spectacles,  84,  87,  135 
Spelling,  and  heredity,  238 
Stages,  anatomical,  99 

mental,  113.  "4 
Standing,  pedagogical,  I25# 
Status,  social,  and  intelligence,  57# 
and  physical  development,  1 18 

Stereotypy,  212 

Stigmata,  of  degeneracy,  9i# 

significance  of,  93 
St.  Louis,  schools  of,  129/ 
Stoner,    Winifred    SackviUe    Jr.. 

289/ 
Structure, 
brain,  62/ 
gross  defects  in,  78 
in  adults,  73j0^ 
in  children,  71/ 
in  vertebrates,  d^ff 
SubnormaUty,   55 
Success,  causes  of,  13/.  "^91  n3# 
Suggestibility,  208/ 
kinds  of,  211 
tests  of,  209/ 
Superiority,    cases   of,     9/.     35/i 
248/,  286Jf,  306 
definition  of,  42,  54 
Supernormals,  education  of,  262/, 

268,  286/,  305/ 
Supervisors,  of  individual  work, 

269/ 


Surveys,  mental,  40 
Synthesis,  tests  of,  I95 


Talents,  speciul,  292 
Teacher,  knowledge  needed  by,  17 
Teeth,  82,  90,  ici/,  107/ 
Tests,  absurdities,  I95 

achievement-capacity,   203 

anatomical  age,  100/ 

association,  free,  l^ljI 

attention,   186/ 

cancellation,   163 

completion,   I79 

definition,   !93if 

discrimination,  15I 

dotting,  187/ 
ergtigraph,    204^ 
far-sightedness,   86 
group,  40 
hearing,  89 
imagcrv',  166 
inteUigence,  26/,  55,  295 
language,  180 
learning,  183 
memory-  span,  183 
mental  age,  26/ 
opposites,  177 
paired  associates,  182 
perception,    163 
reasoning,  I93# 
sensory,  151 
suggestibility,  209jf 
synthesis,  I95 
visual  acuity,  84^ 
will,  202/ 
Theory,  multifactor,  229# 
multifocal,  215.  220 
non-focal,  213/.  221 
Spearman's  two-factor,  233# 
unifocal,  216,  22 1 


322 


INDEX  OF  SUBJECTS 


Thinkinfi,  171 

Thought,  and  ini.igcry,  167 
Time,  reaction,  2 1 
Tonsils,  S2,  84,  9of 
Training,  grr)wth  vs,  2^^ff 

in  early  chiltihood,  255 

motor,  280/,  282 

of  attention,  282,  296^ 

of  capacities,  296^ 

of  duU  children,  259/,  266^ 

of  emotions,  308 

of  faculties,  309 

of  idiot,  276/ 

of  imagination,    282 

of  memory,  281,  286,  3o6jf 

of  reasoning,  307/,  309 

of  sense  of  duty,  305 

of  suprmormals,  2b2ff,  268 

28f>#,  305/ 
sensory,  279/,  284 
transference  of,  307 
Transference,  see  Training 


Tniancy,  127,  144 

Tuttle,  Elizabch,  see  Edwards 

Twins,  meaiiurements  of,  240 

Underfeeding,  105 
Unity,  mental,  216,  221 
Unpleasantness  (see  Feelings) 

Variation,  in  anatomical  age,  io6j7 
Vision,  82,  84/,  95,  135 

Waste,  eflucational,  260 
Weight,  body,  1 1 7/ 

brain,  growth  of,  in  children, 
66/ 
in  adults,  73/ 
in  eminent  men,  74 
in  vertebrates,  62 
intelligence  ami,  74/ 
Will,  defects  of,  i02i/ 
definition  of,  201/ 
instinct  and,  201 


># 


